New Renaissance can reform global nations peacefully and digitally
Your esteemed institution will dominate think tank industry with my 4 plans that surely will attract more donation and create New Renaissance to reform China, North Korea and global nations peacefully and create $30 trillion dollars new revenue annual. 4 plans and the new management science will speed global development with prosperity, peace and health for new civilization.
I would like to introduce new management science and technology before the 4 plans that everyone will have equal opportunity to contribute in community and play a role in decision making with direct democracy in order to regulate perceived disequilibrium in human civilization. New management science of direct democracy will not put cat and fish together that is the only way we can keep financial discipline and transparency. Direct democracy is not campaign in every 4 years. It is new life in ICT century. The new management system can sell itself due to the benefit is huge that will create New Renaissance for peace, health and prosperity.
We are so blessed and so lucky to live in ICT era that systematically reform is a matter of finger tips. Human thought and information can transfer so fast and so massive that can perform direct democracy easily with ICT platform. It can start with housing and facility management industry that global residents in housing communities can perform direct democracy to form a global trend of new politics and new management science. We can create equal opportunity in different agendas with ICT platform that will liberate global productivity and lift efficiency to create new revenue $30 trillion dollars in New Renaissance.
Most communities, cities and nations will enjoy the new infrastructure of cloud conference in ICT platform for new management system that can stop human ordeals in politics, finance, education, ecology and economy. New generation will live in prosperity, peace and health with new management science. China reformed in 1980’s with global synergy platform to lift economy tremendously. New Renaissance with new management science will reform global nations in economy, education, politics, ecology and other different agendas that we can cross barrier of time and space to explore new worlds. If we adopt the new management system of direct democracy, we shall live peacefully in New Renaissance that people will not snipe at police any more.
Your institution can lead global think tanks, communities, governments, and enterprises in New Renaissance. It not only will reform management system but also will increase 40% productivity globally that equal to lift $30 trillion dollars revenue annual plus to save resources wasted in mismanagement. Direct democracy is green management for global sustainable development.
ICT sponsors will donate $30 million dollars to the institution annual that can promote New Renaissance and create $3 trillion dollars revenue annual for ICT industry. ICT can fabricate new platform of cloud conference for direct democracy that can apply in housing and facility management industry globally before it can lift to city level, national level and UN level eventually.
A housing community is a small nation. Nation will change when communities change. Residents in housing communities will enjoy surfing new management system to solve unrest and create pleasant environment. New Renaissance will start in housing communities and lift to higher levels accordingly. It will be a project that sells itself and build 200 ICT platforms globally. Each platform will be at the size of Facebook.
Since we can trade stocks directly in NASDAQ, why can’t we use civil power directly in cloud government and cloud conference? Initially we can operate both cloud conference and reality conference synchronously like Dow Jones operating both cloud trading and floor trading. NASDAQ has never operated floor trading since establishment. Literally politics is like the stock exchange. We can trade without brokers in stock exchange as well as in politics.
Everyone has access to information that information can spread massively and quickly without limit of time and space. Global development is the task of how to apply with synergy ICT platform for human activities especially for the public affairs that can lift efficiency, productivity and revenue with new management system to achieve prosperity, peace and health globally.
I am glad to learn we pursue the same goal and we might choose the same approach when we find polluted air in China and India can spread to Japan, America and Europe at the speed of hundreds miles per hour along jet stream in 6 miles height. Particles in polluted air can damage human health as well as catalyze extreme weather globally. We can benefit or hurt consequently with all events happening on the Earth.
What if African will pollute air and water seriously like China and India have done? How soon the Earth will become uninhabitable? Our knowledge and experience convince us the global is a holistic life body. Development should prevent from damaging the holistic life body. We had to protect the holistic life body by all means with new ethics and new code of conduct for sustainable development. The best way to achieve the goal is to operate new management system on ICT platform globally that all people can contribute and play a role in decision making. Everyone can watch, report and maintain the health of the holistic life body in every corner of the Earth without limit of time and space.
New management system and ICT platforms rely on consistent electric power supply. We need to develop green energy as electric power industry is major factor of pollution and global warming. Most energy in nuclear power plant has been applied to heat up sea water and vaporize into the sky that can rise up temperature seriously. Green energy and green management undoubtedly are strong pillars to support sustainable development for the holistic life body.
With continuous high growth rate, Africa has become new engine to pull global economy. Walmart is landing in Lagos. Major manufacturing facilities moved to Africa like Japan Panasonic. Chinese companies have operated in Nigeria since 1980’s. I met chiefs of CCECC in 1982 when they started water bore hole contracts in Lagos and looked for railroads contracts.
Plan 1 is to construct river flow power plants combining irrigation canals in Nigeria with water flushing out of existing hydro generators to rotate river mills for additional 30,000 MW that equals to 20 nuclear power plants. It can irrigate farms for 30 million tons rice annual to improve food shortage and inconsistent power supply not mentioning to create huge employment. Plan 1 is a project of one stone for many birds.
A river generator can be installed in every 7 meters along irrigation canal with minimum water flow at 5 tons per second. 1 KM canal with slight slope at 0.3% can install 140 units of river flow generators at 15 KVA through 150 KVA each depending on water flow. 1 KM canal can equip 2 MW through 20 MW that 1,000 KM canal can install 2,000 MW through 20,000 MW.
In 1920’s Japanese engineer Yoichi Hatta built Wusanto Reservoir in Taiwan with irrigation canal 7,400 Km for rice farm of 145,000 hectares that could reap 3 times annual. Land, water and good weather are available in Nigeria that can develop farms of millions hectares with irrigation canals and river power plants. One hectare farm will produce rice 18 tons for 3 reaps annual.
Plan 1 can change Nigeria and Africa and benefit the global ecologically. USA and China compete in Nigeria and Africa very hard. China promoted railroads construction with loan at $6 billion dollars. IMF offered direct loan to governors at $3.2 billion dollars. I heard GE tried to involve in the railroads construction. Japan plans to invest $30 billion dollars in Africa. Employment, sufficient food and consistent power supply can support Nigeria to lead Africa nations to join the New Renaissance for global peace and sustainable development.
Dangote is an aggressive entrepreneur who might join us for Plan 1. He ranks 25 richest people and is nephew of my friend, Alh. Abdul Dantata. When I was in Nigeria, Abdul gave me his driver Alh. Uba who used to buy ice bars for young Aliko Dangote. Dongote cement can benefit since Plan 1 will need huge cement for river power plants and irrigation canal.
Dangote will donate generously if we can initiate Plan 1 with him and Nigeria president Buhari who is lack of convincing economy policy that a hot pot of food on fire becomes popular target of thieves. Buhari can use Nigerian agric bond to attract investors and complete Plan 1 if he can apply leverage properly. Global donors will support green energy industry in Nigeria if Buhari can show his determination. Good plan, advanced management and talent people will create hope and confidence for a nation and the world.
Plan 1 will attract $1 billion dollars donation and create annual revenue $10 trillion dollars in Africa. The core value of Plan 1 is by all means to prevent Africa from pollution and global warming like China and India. Eventually Plan 1 will attract investors to build river flow power plants with 700,000 MW globally that equal to 400 nuclear power plants. Irrigation canal will boom agric and housing communities synchronously that can develop new cities to attract investors and migrants for new economy in Nigeria and Africa.
European nations will collaborate to construct river power plants with irrigation canal for agric in Africa and in the Middle East to improve economy, ecology and peace. It can reduce refugees flooding into Europe like fleeces. Hopefully it will stop casualty drowned in the Mediterranean Sea.
Big waves attract great surfers. Great surfers can't attract big waves. Good leader can see the trend and keep right direction for delicate surf. I can see 4 trends are going to surge into big waves where we can approach for delicate surfs. New Renaissance will surge with ICT that can promote new platforms for communities, governments and public companies globally. The institution will rank as the 1st think tank in the world if leaders can find new trends of big waves and lead all teams to surf delicately.
Plan 2 is to reform China peacefully with 2 tactics that will turn China into a positive power for regional peace as well as free market for global enterprises. China market is still inaccessible to Facebook, media industry and many other sectors who are looking for tickets to China. They might join us if they learn our plan can benefit them hugely. Apple and Google have been tumbling in China from time to time. Donors from ICT industry and different sectors will donate $3 billion dollars for Plan 2 that will create $10 trillion dollars revenue annual.
Plan 2-1 is to reform China peacefully with platform of cloud conference in housing community management with direct democracy. It will support liberal leadership to emerge in China and open gate wider for global enterprises duly. How can we reform China into democracy when there is only one communist party? No matter one party or no party, residents in housing communities can use cloud conference to perform direct democracy that will create internal climate for liberal leadership.
Plan 2-2 is to mobilize people in global nations to carry out judiciary project in local courts and subvert the apex policy of China i.e. to occupy Taiwan. China has been lying that Taiwan is part of China and there is only one China. Most nations have tolerated Chinese lies for some benefit but lies can’t last forever when global people feel it is enough. Lie can’t never become the truth.
There are extreme groups against China in most nations. They can have suits in courts to win the verdict that Taiwan is not part of China and there are two China in the world. There is nothing wrong to have two China since there are two Congo and two Korea in UN. Nigeria is the only nation considers two China and accept Taiwan to register in the name of the Republic of China in Nigeria. The verdict surely will discredit leadership in Beijing and bring stronger impact than the South China Sea Arbitration has done. It will split leadership in Beijing and support emergence of liberal leadership.
Justice of speech is as important as freedom of speech. It is new trend in ICT century that human can solve global conflicts with judiciary power and public opinions instead of wars. Verdict of Plan 2-2 will become huge external power to shake dictatorship in Beijing that can collaborate with internal pressure from direct democracy in housing communities of Plan 2-1. Plan 2 will catalyze emergence of liberal leadership and lead China to join New Renaissance.
Plan 2 will reform China and North Korea with direct democracy and judiciary power peacefully that will attract $3 billion donation and create $10 trillion dollars revenue annual. Taiwan people can donate $1 billion dollars referring to Taiwan people donated $252 million dollars in 2011 for Japan tsunami.
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過115萬的網紅Rayner Teo,也在其Youtube影片中提到,►►► For free trading education, go to http://www.tradingwithrayner.com Back in my army days… One thing I hated was, waiting. The system is built in ...
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สำหรับบางคนที่มองหาน้องหมามาอยู่เป็นเพื่อนลองแวะไปที่ บู๊ท D152/D159 อาคาร 5-6 อิมแพ็คเมืองทองธานี ในงาน Thailand International dog show 2015 ( 25-28/06/58 )นะคะ น้องหมาน่ารักๆ ขี้อ้อนๆมารอเจ้าของใจดีอยู่ค่ะ
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A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew
THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...
I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________
(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)
*
The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.
His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.
In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.
We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.
Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.
Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.
International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.
Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.
As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.
With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.
The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.
Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.
Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.
It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.
It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.
Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.
He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.
The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?
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SAYANG! kindly share.
adopt me trade 在 Rayner Teo Youtube 的最佳貼文
►►► For free trading education, go to http://www.tradingwithrayner.com
Back in my army days…
One thing I hated was, waiting. The system is built in a way whereby we rush to wait and wait to rush.
This means we would rush like a mad dog trying to meet a deadline. And once it’s met, we’ll wait … and then rush again to meet the next deadline.
Sounds silly? But it’s true.
Now, I can’t help but relate this to trading…
You wait for price to come to your area of Support (sometimes it comes, sometimes it doesn’t).
If it comes, then you wait for price to give you a specific pattern for “confirmation” (sometimes you get it, sometimes you don’t).
And the most irritating thing is…
The perfect scenario hardly plays out itself, and you’re left waiting…
Waiting…
Waiting…
Waiting…
While the markets move without you in the trade, even though your analysis is correct.
Hey, you’re not alone!
I was struggling with this problem for the longest time… and after much frustration… I realized what I’m doing wrong.
Here’s what I’ve learned:
Trading is about finding low-risk entries, and letting the market do its thing. It’s not waiting for the stars to align before taking a trade.
Before you talk about trading setups, you must know your trading theme . Only then, can you adopt the correct trading setups that fit your theme.
So…
If you’re a trader who lacks trading setups or wants to find better ways to enter the markets, then go watch today’s video.
I’ll explain how to find your trading theme, and the best trading setups to trade with.
►►► For free trading education, go to http://www.tradingwithrayner.com
Thanks for watching!
FOLLOW ME AT:
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/groups/forextradingwithrayner
Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/rayner_teo
My YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/tradingwithrayner
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