//今年10月1日是中共建政71周年,支聯會將聯同友好團體代表於10月1日11時,以倒行形式分組前往中聯辦宣讀聲明及中港在囚異見人士狀況,敦促中共改善人權,落實當年建政的承諾,停止粉飾太平,回應聲明提出的訴求。//
【沒有人權,哪有國慶?停止打壓異見 還我言論自由】聯署聲明全文
(English below)
中共建政71周年,也是中國人民飽受苦難的歷史。建政前,中共以民主、自由、繁榮、富強的承諾,欺騙萬千愛國者為其拋頭顱、灑熱血。建政後首30年,階級鬥爭為綱,政治運動頻仍;經濟冒進失誤,赤地千里,餓殍遍野。接著的10年,推行經濟改革,但仍堅持獨裁專政,打壓人民訴求,導致胡耀邦、趙紫陽下台,更發生「六四」血腥鎮壓。「六四」後31年來,貪污腐敗猖獗,貧富兩極分化,弱勢社群備受壓榨,道德倫理殆盡,維權和異見人士被拘入獄,全國籠罩白色恐怖,人權蕩然。習近平專政下,14億人民仍活在沒有人權、沒有尊嚴中,有甚麼值得慶祝?
今天是中共所謂的「國慶」,但71年來,許多人只因表達政治立場慘遭拘禁和酷刑,直到今天,仍有不計其數人士因言獲罪,身陷囹圄。在這個令人憤慨而非喜慶的日子,支聯會等團體特別關注被所謂「危害國家安全」罪名拘押的中國和香港抗爭者,他們面對獨裁政權迫害,我們在香港也正經歷同樣命運。
對中國異見人士來說,中國政府以所謂「國家安全」為理由作出種種打壓,是每天不能承受的痛。今年,香港人失去法治和自由,自中央政府於6月30日強推《港區國安法》後,多名人士以所謂與「國安」有關的罪名被起訴,12位年輕人更因為逃亡台灣途中「被送中」,香港人自由岌岌可危,與中國異見人士更是唇齒相依。
他們代表不同年齡和不同背景人士對民主自由的渴求,在鐵幕高牆的國度仍不畏強權,以各種方式爭取民主和傳播尊重人權的訊息,但他們合法和合理的行動和訴求,卻被政權以違反所謂「國家安全」惡法無理打壓,他們的案件在中國只是冰山一角,深信還有不少被專制政權迫害而不知名的受害人。
港區《國安法》強推以來僅僅數月,言論自由空間不斷收窄,過往不少可以喊的口號和可以發起的行動,已被政府強詞奪理解讀為違反《國安法》,營造赤色恐怖,企圖噤聲,打壓異己,令香港的自由急速消逝,嚴重侵犯市民的言論自由與集會自由。
我們強烈要求中國政府和香港政府停止粉飾太平,回應以下訴求:
1)平反八九民運,還多年來承受失去至親一個公道!
2)成立獨立調查委員會,調查「六四」及香港自去年「反送中」運動的警暴行為!
3)停止假借「國家安全」名義,肆意破壞香港法治精神和打壓言論自由!
4)立即釋放中港被囚異見人士!
2020年10月1日
聯署團體:(更新 30.9.2020)
香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會
四五行動
林鉅成社會服務處
溫哥華支援民主運動聯合會
天安門母親運動
卡城中國民主促進會
良心之友
中國維權律師關注組
社會民主連線
青衣居民權益服務社
香港社會工作者總工會
新婦女協進會
民主黨
工黨
香港職工會聯盟
郭家麒議員辦事處
民間電台
曾健成議員辦事處
六四行動
民間人權陣線
香港基督徒社關團契
關注綜援低收入聯盟
零售、商業及成衣業總工會
基督徒社工
香港教育專業人員協會
關心香港前途小組
公民黨
’Without human Rights, How Can We Celebrate “National Day”?Stop the crackdown on dissidents; give us our freedom‘
1 October 2020
The Chinese Communist Party has been in power for 71 years now—71 years of suffering for the Chinese people. Before coming to power, the Party promised to make China a democratic, free, prosperous and strong country, but it fooled hundreds of thousands of patriots into sacrificing themselves for the nation. For the first 30 years after the establishment of the regime, class struggle was the main focus and mass political campaigns were frequent. Economic policy was poorly devised, leading to famine and death.
In the following 10 years, the regime enacted economic reform but remained totalitarian. It cracked down on demands for change, leading to the fall of liberal state leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang and eventually the bloodshed of the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. In the subsequent 31 years, corruption has been rampant and uneven wealth distribution serious. Underprivileged groups are squeezed by those in power. Ethics and morality have collapsed. Human rights defenders and dissidents are detained and imprisoned. The whole country lives under white terror. There are simply no human rights. Under Xi Jinping’s dictatorship, 1.4 billion people are living in a society without human rights or dignity. What is there to celebrate?
Today is what the Party calls “National Day”. But over the past 71 years, many have been ruthlessly imprisoned and tortured simply for expressing their political views. Countless people are still detained for their speech. On this day we should feel outrage rather than joy,. Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China and other organizations are particularly concerned about the Chinese and Hong Kong activists facing so-called “national security” charges. While those in China endure the persecution of a totalitarian regime, we in Hong Kong experience the same fate.
Chinese dissidents suffer unbearable pain every day as the Chinese government uses the pretext of “national security” to crack down on them. In this year, Hongkongers have lost rule of law and experience diminishing freedoms. Since the central government forcibly imposed the Hong Kong national security law (officially the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region”) on 30 June 2020, dozens of individuals have been charged with so-called “national security” crimes. Twelve young people fleeing to Taiwan were taken to China. Hong Kong people’s freedoms are at greater risk than ever. Hong Kong people’s fate is even more interconnected with the Chinese people’s.
Many, diverse in age and background, desire democracy and freedom. They do not fear challenging the government despite dictatorship. They fight for democracy and share information about human rights. But their legal and legitimate actions and demands have been punished by the government with so-called “national security” charges. Their cases are only the tip of the iceberg in China. There are many unknown people persecuted by the regime.
The Hong Kong national security law has been in force for several months. Freedom of expression is drastically diminishing. Protest slogans are now interpreted by the Hong Kong government as violations of the national security law. The government creates red terror, attempts to silence dissenting views, and cracks down on dissidents. Hong Kong’s freedoms are quickly disappearing. Hong Kong people’s freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are seriously infringed.
We call on the Chinese and Hong Kong governments to stop whitewashing the daunting situation in China and Hong Kong and respond to the following requests:
1. Vindicate the 1989 pro-democracy movement and give victims’ families a fair explanation, apology and compensation;
2. Establish an independent commission to investigate the Tiananmen Massacre as well as police violence during the Anti-Extradition Bill protests in Hong Kong since last year;
3. Stop using “national security” as an excuse to ruthlessly destroy Hong Kong’s rule of law and freedom of expression;
4. Immediately release all detained Chinese and Hong Kong dissidents.
Signatories: (updated on 30.9.2020)
Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China
April Fifth Action
Community service office of KS Lam
Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement
Tiananmen Mothers Campaign
Movement for Democracy in China (Calgary)
Friends of Conscience
China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group
League of social democrats
Tsing Yi Residents Rights and Interests Service Society
Hong Kong Social Workers` General Union
The Association for the Advancement of Feminism
The Democratic Party
Labour Party (Hong Kong)
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions
Office of Dr. Kwok Ka Ki, Legislative Council Member
Citizens Radio
Office of Tsang Kin Shing District Councillor
June 4th Action
Civil Human Rights Front
Hong Kong Christian Fellowship of Social Concern
Concerning CSSA and Low Income Alliance
Retail, Commerce and Clothing Industries General Union
Christian Social Workers
Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union
Concern the Future of Hong Kong
CIVIC PARTY
—————
註:六四紀念館已於9月15日重新開放,繼續舉辦「走在抗極權最前線——從『八九六四』到『反送中』」主題展覽,同時舉辦「中港被囚異見人士」專題展(至10月31日),介紹異見人士的事蹟,誠邀參觀及報導。查詢:2459 6489(電話/WhatsApp)、 64museum@alliance.org.hk (電郵)
—————
#十一 #六四 #反送中 #人權 #言論自由 #humanrights #freedomofspeech #june4
civil rights movement groups 在 李怡 Facebook 的精選貼文
Conservatives and Liberals | Lee Yee
In the 1960s and 1970s, the American Civil Rights movement, the anti-Vietnam war movement, and the European movement were in the rage. At that time I was still young, and saw that in Western ideologies there were the liberals and the radicals. The middle-aged and older people were mostly liberals, and young people were mostly radicals. Nobody called themselves conservative at that time. It was as if there was a consensus that society should reform, that being conservative means not progressive. It was not until 1979 and 1981 when Prime Minister Mrs. Margaret Thatcher and U.S. President Reagan came to power and implemented conservative policies, succeeded, before the British and American politics went back to being traditional. However, the yearning for equality brought about by these civil movements has since become the mainstream driving ideology and consciousness in Western academics and media.
In the United States' two parties, the Republicans are generally considered conservatives, and the Democrats are liberals. Of course, there is mutual influence and infiltration into each and among each other. There are no generally accepted standard definitions for liberalism and conservatism, for they reflect socio-ideological trends and political practices of politicians.
Liberalism basically has four pillars: one, it recognizes that there are unavoidable conflicts of interest and beliefs in society; two, distrust of power; three, that people are progressive, and subjectively promotes the progress of human civilization; four, regardless of people’s ideology, identity, race, gender, or sexual orientation, they should be respected and accepted for their diversity, minorities are tolerated, and equality is pursued.
Conservatism is by no means an antonym to the pursuit of freedom. Both Mrs. Thatcher and Reagan are the most resolute guardians of freedom; conservatism does not deny power, but emphasizes that power must be monitored, checked and balanced.
In terms of welfare policies, liberalism pursues equality, protects minority rights, protects disadvantaged groups, and promotes and enhances social welfare. Since the increase in welfare would come from government spending, therefore there have to be tax increases. It is not like conservatism disregard the disadvantaged groups, but rather, it believes that there can be no true equality except before God and a fair court. It must first recognize the various differences and groups in people, and the pursuit of equality regardless of differences will only create new inequalities. If society eventually moves towards the equal distribution in socialism, people will move towards the path of slavery. Conservatism does not oppose welfare, but rather, it believes that charitable organizations, churches, civic organizations, or foundations should help the weak and helpless in society. The government ought to provide only policy assistance from the side, because if the government is to lead welfare, it will lead to excessive governance and intervention, and the price to pay will be an increase in taxation, leading to inflation. One of the founding spirits of the United States is that everyone is self-reliant. For those with the ability to make their own living to rely on government welfare for a prolonged period will actually make people live a life without self-esteem.
Liberalism seeks equal distribution from anti-discrimination, anti-difference, and equal opportunity, which is a road towards socialism. Conservatism does not seek rapid progress,; it believes that customs, conventions, and continuity should be followed. Ancient customs allow people to live together in harmony; those who destroy customs can destroy beyond what they want to destroy. The Cultural Revolution revolutionized the fate of culture. Conservatives also do not oppose social progress, but progress will not fall from the sky. If certain parts of society are progressing, other parts usually are declining. A healthy society must be both “enduring” and “developing”. For society to sustain endurance for a long time, there must be lasting faith. If that cannot last, the root source of righteousness will collapse.
In order not to interfere with people’s freedom, conservatism advocates small government, deregulation, tax reduction, in an attempt to create an environment conducive to the operation of private enterprises. Before Reagan was elected, both society and the economy were in difficult situations. The Americans hoped that Reagan could save the economy when he came to power, but in his inauguration speech, he said, “Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem.” Loosening up, reducing taxes, and adopting inaction, Reagan rejuvenated the U.S. economy.
Despite advocating for small governments, successive Republican governments, from Reagan to Bush to Trump, have increased military spending and maintained a strong military power; the Democratic Party’s Obama, on the other hand, wanted to be tolerant of totalitarian countries and cut military spending. Reagan developed a space war plan, and Trump developed the space army, because they believe that neither democracy or totalitarianism is people’s choice between different systems, but between people’s choice or the system imposed upon them by those in power; it is the difference between righteousness and evil, no middle ground, no moral relativism. Goodness must become the strong one, or else evil fascism will encroach, control, and ultimately defeat you.
civil rights movement groups 在 八鄉朱凱廸 Chu Hoi Dick Facebook 的最讚貼文
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
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