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Opinion | Ulterior Motives behind Opposition Camp's refusal to recognize HKSAR political system
HK Current
2020.09.03 11:39
By Athena Kung
In fact, the political system adopted by the HKSAR is executive-led. Under this structure, the executive authorities, legislature and judiciary complement each other, with built-in checks and balances.
In the year of 1840, Hong Kong was occupied by Britain after the Opium War. In accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed on 19th of December, 1984, the Chinese and British Governments had a hand-over ceremony on 1st of July, 1997, which marked the resumption of sovereignty by China over Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the HKSAR of the PRC was formally established. The Hong Kong Basic Law, which was adopted in April 1990 at the Third Session of the Seventh National People's Congress, formally came into effect. The Basic Law clearly states and defines the specifications as to how the high degree of autonomy as well as the political, economic, cultural and educational systems of the HKSAR to be run.
To comply with the Basic Law, since 1st of July 1997, the Chinese government has been carrying out the basic policies of "One country, Two systems," "administration of Hong Kong by the Hong Kong people" and "a high degree of autonomy" in the HKSAR. Under "One country, Two systems", even though China is a unified country and the mainland practices the socialist system, Hong Kong's previous capitalist system before 1st of July 1997 and way of life has been remaining unchanged for 50 years. To properly implement "administration of Hong Kong by the Hong Kong people", the HKSAR has all along been administering by the Hong Kong people on their own, and the central authorities have never sent officials to the HKSAR to fill any local official posts. To fulfill "a high degree of autonomy", apart from foreign and national defense affairs which should be administered by the central authorities, the HKSAR has fully enjoyed the power to decide all other matters within its autonomous jurisdiction. The central authorities has never interfered in affairs within the scope of autonomy of the HKSAR. All along, the HKSAR government has been making the final decisions on all matters within its autonomous jurisdiction as prescribed in the Basic Law.
Under the political system of the HKSAR, its major organs of power include the Chief Executive, the Government, the Legislative Council and the Court of Final Appeal. The Executive Council assists the Chief Executive in policy-making and advises the Chief Executive on matters relating to the introduction of bills and subsidiary legislation. Being independent agencies, both the Commission Against Corruption and the Audit Commission are directly accountable to the Chief Executive. In accordance with the conditions procedures as prescribed by law, the Chief Executive shall have the power to dismiss the legislative organs whereas the legislative organs shall have the power to impeach the Chief Executive and the administrative organs shall be accountable to the legislative organs. The Chief Executive, administrative and legislative organs shall supervise and cooperate with each other, which is however not the separation of powers as described by the Opposite Camps from time to time.
The Chief Executive of the HKSAR is both the head of the HKSAR and the head of the HKSAR government. His or her dual status enables him or her to have extensive functions and powers. The Chief Executive shall be selected from among residents of the HKSAR by election or through consultations held locally, and be appointed by the Central Government. Thus, the Chief Executive who is appointed by the Chinese Government to manage the HKSAR plays a very superior role in the HKSAR political system.
In short, the Chief Executive is responsible for implementing the Basic Law, signing bills and budgets, promulgating laws, making decisions on government policies and issuing Executive Orders. Article 48 of the Basic Law empowers the Chief Executive a variety of powers and functions:
" Article 48
The Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall exercise the following powers and functions:
(1) To lead the government of the Region;
(2)To be responsible for the implementation of this Law and other laws which, in accordance with this Law, apply in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region;
(3)To sign bills passed by the Legislative Council and to promulgate laws;
To sign budgets passed by the Legislative Council and report the budgets and final accounts to the Central People's Government for the record;
(4)To decide on government policies and to issue executive orders;
(5)To nominate and to report to the Central People's Government for appointment the following principal officials: Secretaries and Deputy Secretaries of Departments, Directors of Bureaux, Commissioner Against Corruption, Director of Audit, Commissioner of Police, Director of Immigration and Commissioner of Customs and Excise; and to recommend to the Central People's Government the removal of the above-mentioned officials;
(6)To appoint or remove judges of the courts at all levels in accordance with legal procedures;
(7)To appoint or remove holders of public office in accordance with legal procedures;
(8)To implement the directives issued by the Central People's Government in respect of the relevant matters provided for in this Law;
(9)To conduct, on behalf of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, external affairs and other affairs as authorized by the Central Authorities;
(10) To approve the introduction of motions regarding revenues or expenditure to the Legislative Council;
(11)To decide, in the light of security and vital public interests, whether government officials or other personnel in charge of government affairs should testify or give evidence before the Legislative Council or its committees;
(12)To pardon persons convicted of criminal offences or commute their penalties; and
(13)To handle petitions and complaints.
Indeed, the judicial independence plays a vital role to ensure that the acts and policies of the executive and the legislature fully comply with the Basic Law whereas all fundamental rights and freedoms to be enjoyed by all Hong Kong citizens in accordance with the law can be completely safeguarded. However, from the point of view of separation of powers, the relationship between the executive, legislature and judiciary in the HKSAR should be one of mutual-supervision, checks and balances. It is purely a kind of division of work.
The Opposition Camps has been keeping on refusing to recognize the executive leadership role played by the Chief Executive in accordance with the Basic Law. On the other hand, they intentionally and wrongly deny the executive-led political system adopted in the HKSAR so as to weaken the powers, functions and authorities of the Chief Executive. At the same time, they have been trying their best to expand the powers of the Legislative Council. Clearly, the Opposition Camp aims at making a change in the political system of the HKSAR, namely from executive-led to legislative-led in the hope of controlling the whole HKSAR Government once they can obtain more than 35 seats in the Legislative Council Election. Such step is a common strategy adopted in “Colour Revolutions” instigated by the U.S. Government. In reality, the Opposition Camp has been keeping on spreading rumors to provoke the public's hatred towards the Chief Executive so as to crack down the prestige of the executive-led system in the HKSAR and achieve its ultimate goal of Hong Kong Independence.
The author is Barrister-at-law.
The views don't necessarily reflect those of Orange News.
責任編輯:CK Li
編輯:Whon
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繼琴晚有三百幾個公務員EO向政府公開聲明之後,簡直陸續有嚟!今朝到我出手啦!話說琴晚深夜有在職公務員主動聯絡我,表示佢哋聯繫左超過44個部門同事、超過230位公務員、不單只EO而是跨職級,由文書助理到行政主任AO等等,向現在香港政府及林鄭特首發出嚴厲聲明,不滿現在特區政府處理事件手法及態度,強烈要求特首回應市民!佢哋希望我代表佢哋發放呢封信件以及向香港外國傳媒發放呢個信件!我當然應承啦!因為我覺得整件事好有「象徵意義 」,非常symbolic!一個過去20幾年專門對付政府專門投訴政府部門嘅投訴達人,今時今日竟然我哋係企埋同一陣線,由我代佢哋轉達及公開發放呢封信件!簡直就係香港歷史破天荒!以下係其中相關資料:
「聯署經核實為44個決策局/部門/單位, 共235位政府人員職員身份證明」
以下係這封235位公務員嘅聯署中英文聲明信:
「致特別行政區首長林鄭月娥女士公開信
致香港特別行政區首長林鄭月娥女士、行政會議成員、各位司長、局長及立法會議員
作為香港公務員的一份子,我們一直默默耕耘,為社會及香港市民提供優質服務,並堅守一貫的中立態 度,支持著政府各部門的良好運作,這是我們一直引以自豪的工作,亦是身為香港人的一份驕傲。 過 去的兩個月,香港人參與了一連串反對修例的遊行集會,數以百萬計的市民站出來表達訴求,守護香 港,體現對香港的愛護和關心。可惜,政府一直依然故我,拒絕耹聽大眾的聲音,違背服務市民的承 諾。
7月21日晚上在元朗有大批白衣暴徒襲擊市民,以武器攻擊路經群眾甚至記者,令無辜市民受傷,令人 髮指。雖然當晚有大批市民報警求助,但警方未有及時派員到場保護市民及捉拿暴徒,令人對警方執法 能力存疑,有負市民期望。其做法令人懷疑政黑勾結,除了令市民對警隊信心盡失外,亦令公務員質疑 政府機構並非為民服務,更甚者令公務員成為社會撕裂的幫兇。
當社會上大多數人認為政府決策出現問題,我們身為公僕理應適切回應人民訴求。我們今天決定打破沉 默,站出來強烈要求政府直接面對民意。
我們強烈要求政府回應民間的五大訴求,即(一)完全撤回逃犯條例修訂、(二)追究警察開槍鎮壓、 (三)不檢控和釋放反對逃犯條例修訂的示威者、(四)撤銷定性6月12日集會為暴動、(五)促請林 鄭月娥、鄭若驊、李家超及盧偉聰等官員問責下台,並要求成立由大法官主持,有廣泛公信力的獨立調 查委員會,調查警方處理自6月9日以來的衝突手法及盡快履行基本法所賦予香港市民的雙普選權利,使 香港成為一個真正自由、民主的社會。
我們以七月二十四日拍攝的職員證明文件為憑, 收集了覆蓋政府大部分不同部門的員工強而有力的控 訴, 強烈要求當權者直接面對民意。
如政府繼續漠視民意,我們將籌備具體工業行動,謙卑地與廣大香港的市民同行,克盡我們服務市民的 「公僕」身份。
一群來自以下不同部門的公務員敬上
漁農自然護理署
建築署
屋宇署
民眾安全服務隊
民航處
公司註冊處
香港海關
衛生署
律政司
渠務署
教育局
機電工程署
環境保護署
香港消防處
食物及環境衛生署
食物及衛生局 香港司機職工總會 政府產業署 路政署 民政事務局 民政事務處 香港房屋委員會 警務處(文職) 香港郵政 入境事務處 稅務局 創新科技署 知識產權署 司法機構
勞工處
土地註冊處
地政總署 康樂及文化事務署 通訊事務管理局辦公室 政府資訊科技總監辦公室 公共衛生檢測中心 (衛生署) 香港電台
差餉物業估價署
選舉事務處
社會福利署
工業貿易署
庫務署
水務署
在職家庭及學生資助事務處
(共44個決策局/部門/單位, 共235位政府人員職員身份證明) (鳴謝 BeWater HK, 翻譯組)
25/07/2019 ####### (English version)
Dear Chief Executive of the HKSAR Mrs Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, members of the Executive Committee, Secretaries of Departments and Bureaux and Members of Legislative Council,
As members of the civil servants of Hong Kong, we have been working incessantly over the years to offer our citizens with quality service and take a neutral stance that supports the government departments for their smooth operations. We are always proud of our jobs and being citizens of Hong Kong.
For the past two months, Hong Kong people have participated in a series of marches and rallies. Millions of citizens have expressed their demands, showed their concern and caring for protecting their beloved Hong Kong. Unfortunately, the Government has refused to listen to the public and remained its own way of act, violating its compromise to serve the citizens.
In the evening of 21 of July, there was a large group of rioters in white shirt attacking citizens in Yuen Long; they used weapons to attack protestors returning home, journalists, and even bystanders, causing innocent citizens injured, making one's hair stand up in anger. Although many calls were made to the police, they had not sent force in time to protect those citizens and arrested the rioters in time, which made people have doubts whether the police had the ability to enforce the law. Their failure in enforcing the law had disappointed citizens and people worldwide. The police’s lack of response
on July 21 had made people suspect the government colluding with triads. This had not only caused citizens to lose confidence in the police, but also made civil servants suspect that the government departments are not aimed to serve citizens faithfully and are making civil servants accomplices tearing apart the society.
When the majority in the society disagrees with the policy made by our government, being civil servants, we should respond to public’s demands reasonably. Today we decided to break our silence, to strongly urge the government to respond to those demands.
We strongly demand the Government to respond to the five major appeals of the society, i.e., (1) withdraw completely the Extradition Law Amendment Bill, (2) pursue the responsibility of the Police Force for firing armaments and their suppression, (3) stop all prosecutions and release the protestors, (4) retract the characterization of the assembly on 12 June as a riot, (5) step down and fulfill the pledge of accountability by government officials including Chief Executive Carrie Lam, Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng, Secretary of Security John Lee, Commissioner of Police Stephen Lo. Furthermore, we demand the establishment of highly credible Independent Probe held by chief judges, to investigate into the way the police dealt with the clashes with protestors since 9 of June and to honour the commitment of the Basic Law to grant all citizens of Hong Kong the right to dual universal suffrage, so to make Hong Kong become truly free and democratic society.
The evidence we shown here are photos taken on 24/7. They show different staff ID cards collected from most of the departments under the Hong Kong government, representing their request to the potentate: "Response to the will of the people directly”.
If the Government continues to ignore public opinion, we will organise concrete industrial actions, so that we could humbly join hands with the community at large and fulfill our responsibility as servants of our fellow citizens.
Yours truly,
A group of civil servants from the following departments and bureaux:
Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department Architectural Services Department
Buildings Department
Civil Aid Service
Civil Aviation Department Companies Registry
Customs and Excise Department Department of Health Department of Justice Drainage Service Department Education Bureau
Electrical and Mechanical Service Department Environmental Protection Department
Fire Service Department
Food and Environmental Hygiene Department Food and Health Bureau
Government Drivers Union Government Property Agency Highways Department
Home Affairs Bureau
Home Affairs Department
Hong Kong Housing Authority
Hong Kong Police Force (Civilian Staff)
Hongkong Post
Immigration Department
Inland Revenue Department
Innovation and Technology Commission
Intellectual Property Department
Judiciary
Labour Department
Land Registry
Lands Department
Leisure and Cultural Services Department
Office of the Communications Authority
Office of the Government Chief Information Officer
Public Health Laboratory Centre (Department of Health) Radio Television Hong Kong
Rating and Valuation Department
Registration and Electoral Office
Social Welfare Department
Trade and Industry Department
Treasury
Water Supplies Department
Working Family and Student Financial Assistance Agency
25/7/2019
(Totally 44 Bureau/Departments/Units,235 numbers of proof of identity as Government staff) (Credits to BeWater HK, Translation Unit)
Last modified: 9:05 am」
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公務員加油!we connect this time!
customs and excise 在 彭博商業周刊 / 中文版 Facebook 的最佳解答
【即時頭條】印度稅制改革艱難重重
在經歷了10年的政壇跌宕、議員的脣槍舌劍和領導層的更迭之後,印度議員們再次齊聚,就印度29個邦推行統一的消費稅進行投票。
如該議案在週二開始的會議中未能得到通過,那麼這一稅制恐將難以在2016年4月1日的最後期限之前亮相。儘管財政部長阿倫•賈特里(ArunJaitley)對於議案的通過持樂觀態度,但反對人士已發出訊號,他們計劃擾亂議會,並以此抗議腐敗醜聞。
印度稅制改革是印度自1991年危機期間清除貿易和投資障礙以來所實施的最大的改革之一,它有望解決印度境內令人頭疼的多重徵稅標準問題,從而提振外界對這一亞洲第三大經濟體的信心。儘管議會的批准至關重要,然而至於稅制改革能給各邦帶來多大的好處,取決於納倫德拉•莫迪(Narendra Modi)政府為了讓各邦支援該法案而與它們達成了怎樣的協議。雖然新商品和服務稅的高稅率將給各邦帶來更多的財政收入返還,但是這一稅率將限制企業和消費者的收益。
印度德勤(Deloitte)間接稅服務高階總監普拉香特•德希潘德(Prashant Deshpande)說:「在眾多必要的問題得到解決之前,我們還不能斷言新稅制就是包治百病的萬能藥。」他還指出,「但是這一理念是正確的」,其中關鍵的一點在於設立各方都能滿意的稅率。
該議案最初於2006年提交,議會對這一議案的通過將為印度憲法的第122次修訂鋪平道路。隨後,如要成為法律,該議案至少需要獲得15個邦的支援。
以下是幾個最大的障礙:
1.不影響財政收入的稅率
儘管世界各地的商品及服務稅(GST)從16%到20%不等,但印度某些邦要求徵收27%的商品及服務稅。賈特里在5月6日對議員們表示,這一稅率太高了。同時他還指出,商品及服務稅的初衷是為了利用合理的稅率和簡單的支付方法來提升合規水平。
前印度消費稅和海關中央委員會(India’s Central Board of Excise and Customs)局長薩米特•都特•馬基穆德(Sumit Dutt Majumder)稱,賈特里最終可能會做出政治上的妥協,接受約22%的稅率。馬基穆德曾撰寫過一本有關商品及服務稅的書。
高於平均水平的稅率可能會助長逃稅行為,從而讓商品及服務稅的種種益處成為泡影。2012年,印度稅收在GDP中的比例為10.8%。在世界銀行統計的約200個國家中,僅有12個國家的低於印度的這一比例。
2.稅收項目
為了讓各邦接受更低的稅率,賈特里已承諾對多種商品免徵商品及服務稅,其中包括酒精和石油產品,這兩者都是高利潤率的商品,在某些邦財政的收入中約佔30%。
其他邦正試圖將菸草也納入免徵清單中。菸草產品的豁免將進一步降低聯邦政府的財政收入,而聯邦政府此前曾宣稱將減少預算赤字,並將稅收資金返還給各邦,且返還的力度將是史無前例的。
3.補償
印度各邦大致可分為兩類:一類是生產型的,另一類是消費型的。
生產型邦包括馬哈拉施特拉邦、古吉拉特邦和泰米爾納德邦,這些邦會在原產地對生產出來的產品徵稅,然後將產品出口到其他邦。而如果徵收商品及服務稅,則只有消費這些產品的邦纔有徵稅權,這也促使各生產型邦去尋求補償。
賈特里在上一輪議會召開期間對議員們說,莫迪政府計劃在前三年為生產型邦的損失提供100%的補償,隨後的兩年提供75%和50%的補償。
4.跨邦徵稅
此外,生產型邦還希望向跨越其邊境的商品徵收額外的稅費。一些邦建議徵收1%的稅,另外的一些邦則要求徵收2%。
儘管到目前為止,有議案呼籲跨邦稅應繼續保留兩年,但這一稅制的延長可能會破壞商品及服務稅的整體目標,即在印度全國範圍內打造一個共同的市場,並清除貿易障礙。世界銀行2005年的調查顯示,每年,因檢查點徵稅而引發的卡車延誤為印度經濟帶來了數百萬個小時的時間浪費和數十億盧比的損失。
5.政治斡旋
儘管大多數政黨紛紛表示支援商品及服務稅,但讓對手在立法方面獲得如此輝煌的勝利卻是他們不願看到的。莫迪擔任古吉拉特邦邦長時曾對商品及服務稅持反對態度。
儘管國大黨在其長達10年的統治時期一直在推進商品及服務稅,但該黨卻利用議會制度方面的手段,阻礙不受莫迪控制的上議院對這一議案進行投票。國會領袖曼尼•珊卡•阿雅(Mani Shankar Aiyar)在週一對記者表示,作為主要的反對黨,國大黨要求徵收18%的商品及服務稅,並希望取消主要的商品及服務稅減免項以及生產型邦所徵收1%的稅費。