(See the end of Chinese paragraphs for English translation.)
今天(6/30)上午品安和 宋國鼎律師 苗栗縣議員 、邱顯智立委一起和代表菲律賓政府的馬尼拉經濟文化辦事處(MECO)留文克代理代表(Gilberto F. Lauengco)、高雄分處賴愛仁處長(Irene S. Ng)、台中分處勞工部比恩賽波主任(Bienvenido. A. Cerbo Jr.)及佳蕊副主任(Rosario C. Burayag)會面,並在下午陪同MECO的貴賓一起到縣府與陳斌山秘書長、勞工及青年發展處彭德俊處長及勞工服務科楊文東科長會談。
苗栗縣內移工共有近2萬3千人,其中產業類移工有1萬5千多人,而菲籍移工就佔苗栗縣移工人數約三分之一。MECO代理代表留文克昨天曾和越南、印尼、泰國的駐台代表開會討論,此行除了關心近期京元電子及盛華仲介處理移工宿舍降載搬遷的問題,與縣府極具爭議性的移工禁足令之外,也提出建立溝通平台的建議,希望透過移工、MECO、仲介/雇主及縣府的共同參與,傾聽移工的訴求,再由MECO和縣府一起與仲介/雇主協調,協助解決相關問題。
今天見到MECO的貴賓們,品安其實覺得很汗顏。過去幾週以來,品安雖然對縣府的移工禁足令提出質疑,也盡力敦促縣府要求仲介和雇主改善宿舍降載過程中產生的問題,但還是發生了許多讓移工朋友權利受損的不愉快事件,甚至鬧上了國際媒體版面。
目前縣府針對移工的禁足令已經取消,回到三級警戒,但接下來京元電子富比一宿舍違法的改善工作仍亟待關注。據瞭解,京元電子和盛華仲介正在尋找適合的宿舍,預計這週末仍有將近四百位移工需要再遷移。這幾天品安也接到許多移工朋友們的訊息,表達不想搬遷的訴求,品安知道移工經歷前一次混亂的降載搬遷都很驚慌,但實在不容許再讓移工朋友們繼續住在有安全疑慮的違法宿舍裡。
台灣移工防疫的工作在中央由勞動部主管,勞動部卻把責任都推到雇主和仲介身上。品安也相信業者們都因此遇到許多困難,這點勞動部真的應該多加油。而苗栗縣移工的狀況接下來將有MECO的協助,希望京元電子和盛華仲介妥善處理好搬遷及防疫的相關工作,品安也會繼續與MECO合作,傾聽移工朋友們的聲音,敦促縣府,大家一起努力。
In Wednesday (June 30) morning, I met with MECO's Acting Resident Representative Mr. Gilberto F. Lauengco, Kaoshiung Extenstion Office's Director Ms. Irene S. Ng, Philippine Overseas Labor Office's Director Mr. Bienvenido. A. Cerbo Jr. and Deputy Director Ms. Rosario C. Burayag along with my councilor colleague and a legislator. I also accompanied MECO's visit to Miaoli County Government the same afternoon, where we met with its Secretary General Chen, Director Peng of Youth and Labor Development Division and the Division's Section Chief Yang of Labor Services.
There are close to 23,000 migrant workers in Miaoli (over 15,000 work as industry labors). Among all these migrant workers, about one third are from the Philippines. Mr. Lauengco had previously discussed this visit with representatives of Vietnam, Indonesia and Thailand on Tuesday, and they all expressed concerns through MECO on the issues in relation to the recent capacity reduction and relocation of KYEC and Senhua dormitories, and on the County Government's controversial movement prohibitions against migrant workers. MECO also proposed a communications platform where the participation of workers, MECO, brokers/employers and the County Government could facilitate the workers' voice being heard, and relevant issues could be resolved with MECO and the County Government's joint mediation efforts with the brokers/employers.
I was actually rather embarrassed during the meeting with MECO. Over the past few weeks I have publicly questioned the County Government's movement prohibitions against migrant workers, and have done my best in asking, through the County Government, that the brokers and employers correct the issues resulting from dormitory capacity reduction. Despite this, several incidents still occurred in which the workers' rights were compromised, and were even covered by international media.
The movement prohibition is now cancelled and alert level 3 measures currently apply. However, the corrective actions required in relation to KYEC's Fullbee 1 dormitories, which violate government regulations, still require urgent attention. Sources indicate that KYEC and Senhua are currently looking for suitable replacement dormitories, and are expected to relocate close to 400 workers this weekend. I have received several messages from the workers, who do not wish to be moved, but while I understand that the workers may be shaken after the last chaotic relocation, we really cannot allow them to keep staying at dormitories which are against regulations and with safety concerns.
Epidemic prevention in relation to migrant workers is the jurisdiction of Ministry of Labor in the central government, but the Ministry is placing all responsibilities on the employers and brokers. I understand that all these employers and brokers must have encountered many challenges for this reason, and the Ministry should really work on improvements in this regard. As for Miaoli's migrant workers, MECO will now provide assistance, and I hope that KYEC and Senhua could manage the upcoming relocation and the associated epidemic prevention work. Going forward, I will also continue to work, both with MECO and through the Country Government, on this issue with the workers' voice in mind.
joint attention development 在 Claudia Mo/毛孟靜 Facebook 的最佳貼文
#立會去留 #RTHKLettertoHK
Participating in the upcoming extended term of the legislative council is, I feel, the lesser of two evils. Of course the one-year postponement of the election which should have been held this month was an anti-democratic trick by the government to avoid facing the voters. The extended term surely lacks legitimacy in the public eye.
But with liberal and democratic institutions being constantly undermined by an executive seeking to bring the other arms of government under its control, we must take every opportunity to voice our concerns, use every forum to fight back in the interests of Hong Kong’s governance, and the promises enshrined in the Basic Law.
Of course previously I’ve had my reservations about staying on, as it would mean accepting a quasi Beijing appointment in an un-elected legislature, ie without the people’s mandate. I’ve had my moments of a psychic tug-of-war.
It’s also understood that many of our young view some of the veterans in the democratic camp as washouts, that they belong to an earlier civilisation and should have been “outed” anyway. Some online criticism would go as far as, and I quote, “Can’t let go of the pay and the glory associated with a Legco seat, can you? Like you are being thrown a bone, a bone only but you can’t wait to go get it”, unquote.
Amongst the democrats I’m probably, probably, the one with the least
political baggage: The fact that I do not have a political party background; that I’m not young and as a result I wouldn’t need to worry too much about career development or prospects. And so perhaps I am more able to consider the “stay or quit” question with an even more free mind.
What’s happened is the number of pro-democracy legislators has already been thinned by legal manoeuvres to oust elected members. But we can perhaps muster just enough votes to deny the pro-government camp absolute control over the council.
Unrepresentative though it is, the council often is not just a talking shop and rubber stamp. It does have some ability to query officials, demand information and make constructive criticism of government proposals and policies. Even when the criticism is not particularly constructive, or some would even call it destructive, it could at least help vent public anger and frustration.
We need opposition voice to at least better health policy, labour rights, pollution, education and public transport problems.
Between now and next September we should be able to show Hongkongers that we can be of value in fighting for their interests. Although the system remains heavily weighted against us, the legislature remains a place where we can stand up, on the spot, against the arrogance and incompetence of the administration.
We don’t just make noise, we carry on to serve as the voice of the people. We shouldn’t become outsiders looking in. We need feet on the ground.
Sure we could be running into a storm without even an umbrella. Things could get painful. It’s so much easier to quit. But to quit would just be taking a placebo line. We cannot pretend the pain is not there, we just need to deal with it, fight it.
The lawmaker capacity does carry a degree of power. Once I called the agriculture and fisheries department, demanding to speak to the department head, saying it’s a matter of utter emergency. What was happening that day was a government wild pig hunting team armed with Remington's was scheduled to go to a village, provoking an unnecessary but possible violent standoff between villagers and animal rights campaigners.
My little intervention was successful. The AFCD head heeded and cancelled the hunting mission that day. And thanks to joint efforts on the civil society and Legco fronts such wild boar hunting squads have now been scrapped altogether.
Another episode that has been lodged in my head involved what happened on August 31 last year. Speculation was rife that there were fatalities inside the Prince Edward MTR station that evening, at the peak of our protest movement. I made a number of official enquiries and subsequently managed to have a face-to-face meet-up with the fire services chief.
Although in the end neither the police nor the fire department could satisfactorily explain the discrepancies in the number of injured and the state of injuries, at the time it was the only way to prompt —- if not force —- the civil servants involved to do their explaining in public, to the media.
It’s experiences of the kind that help to solidify my opinion that democrats should remain on the inside. Because of what we do, a lot of incompetence and hypocrisy, sometimes even some crookedness get exposed.
Beijing loyalists and the pro-government type would keep on politely tip-toeing around issues so as not to offend the authorities, they would keep on spinning mistruths, the democrats can counter that performance.
At a time when Hong Kong is politically, financially going down the tubes, with our young in particular feeling helpless, at a time when hope seems to be dismissed and punishment dealt, when discontent could morph into pure hate and antipathy to the government, democrats should help by not abandoning any battleline.
Anyone who wants to query government policies, draw attention to abuses, obtain information now faces increasing difficulties.
Assembly is restricted. People have to guard their words. Much mainstream media simply reflect official policies and journalists now have to be approved by the police to be treated as such. However inadequate it may be, the legislative council remains a forum for questions and comment, and is widely reported.
And popularly elected legislators in particular have standing which cannot be ignored at home, and they are also focus of foreign inquiry about Hong Kong issues. Journalistic institutions magnify the impact of such individuals who would otherwise find themselves crying in the wilderness, lone voices without a platform. Legco is a platform, however shaky.
If results of an opinion poll —-expected by Tuesday —-commissioned by the Democratic Party tell us to go —- easy, we’ll just pack up.
But Im hoping for the opposite. I for one would want to keep staying on the Legco frontline, standing up for what I believe. Nothing egotistical about it. We will simply take what's left and fight it out.
I’m prepared to take the lesser evil.
XXX
https://www.rthk.hk/radio/radio3/programme/lettertohongkong
joint attention development 在 決戰中環 Facebook 的最佳解答
歐洲也不是一面倒親中的
https://www.facebook.com/1027813447317433/posts/1838604569571646/
被視為歐洲版一帶一路的部份細節。新加坡海峽時報的一篇評論認為,歐洲版一帶一路誕生,是中國擴張行為令歐洲感不快與不安的結果。
#中帝崛起?
#一帶一路
歐盟官方宣傳:
"A better connected Europe and Asia through transport links, energy, human and digital networks strengthens the resilience of societies and regions, as well as creating avenues for a better, low-carbon future. More sustainable connectivity will also help people to enjoy higher standards of living, while creating more opportunities for education, cross-collaboration and research and promoting cultural exchange.
The new strategy is based on four of the EU's strengths: its internal market as the basis of sustainable connectivity, its experience of creating networks across borders, its ability to build partnerships – on the bilateral, regional and international levels, and a comprehensive financial framework for mobilising investment. The EU will look to combine financial resources from international financial institutions, multilateral development banks and the private sector, building on the success of the Juncker plan and the EU's External Investment Plan, which are on track to mobilise investment worth €500 billion and €44 billion respectively. This demonstrates the EU's determination to make a difference in people's lives, both inside and outside of the EU.
The approach to connecting Europe and Asia "is something big, [and] is consistent with our overall global approach," Mogherini concluded, "and I know that our friends not only in Europe but also in Asia are very much looking forward to start working on this.""
https://eeas.europa.eu/…/european-way-connectivity-%E2%80%9…
https://eeas.europa.eu/…/europe_asia_connectivity_factsheet…
"The Europeans were slow to grasp the significance of China's BRI, partly because they frequently failed to pay proper attention to Asian developments, but also because Europeans are instinctively dismissive of grandiose plans to tie up continents together by spending trillions of dollars on infrastructure construction; the initial assumption in Europe was that China's BRI was more about publicity than real projects.
Complacency was soon replaced by keen European interest. And countries on Europe's peripheries were flattered by Chinese claims that they would become "pathways", "bridges" or "launch pads" from Asia to Europe if only they accepted a Chinese project to build a road or welcomed a Chinese firm wishing to build or manage a harbour.
But Europe's honeymoon with the Chinese vision did not last long. First came evidence that many of these projects were not truly cooperative efforts but, essentially, Chinese financial credits for Chinese construction contracts. A full 89 per cent of all the projects labelled under the BRI were executed by Chinese firms using Chinese workers and materials.
REASONS FOR EU UNHAPPINESS
And as the projects came closer to Europe, it became increasingly clear that China's Belt and Road Initiative challenged some of the fundamental EU objectives. The first is that of open tendering for major public projects, something Chinese companies frequently avoided. In pushing its BRI, China also appeared to ignore principles of reciprocity. While European investors and especially construction companies can't even dream of competing for public contracts inside China without using a Chinese partner, Chinese companies did not operate under the same restraint in Europe.
China's entire or partial acquisition of ports in Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain, Italy and, most spectacularly, Greece are moves which carry significant strategic implications. If these were just normal economic transactions, then why can't a European company acquire similar port assets in China?
But what irks EU governments most is China's increased ability to use the clout it derives from BRI projects to influence Europe's political decision-making process and, as EU officials see it, undermine the union's solidarity.
Beijing's creation of the so-called 16+1 Group, a motley collection of existing or aspiring EU member states, all fairly poor and underdeveloped, is seen in Brussels as direct Chinese interference in Europe's backyard.
Under the guise of the 16+1 Group, the Chinese signed contracts which simply mortgaged the future of these often-vulnerable countries. Take the case of Montenegro, a small impoverished state on Europe's south-eastern corner which was persuaded by China in 2014 to borrow from Beijing's Exim bank for constructing a highway. The total value of this contract amounts to an astonishing one-quarter of Montenegro's entire economy. The project is not only unsustainable but could spell Montenegro's bankruptcy.
The consensus in Europe is that the continent can no longer just sit idly by as these developments unfold. In April, 27 out of the 28 ambassadors of EU member states in Beijing sent back to their capitals a joint letter urging a unified response against China's BRI, which, they claimed, "runs counter to the EU agenda for liberalising trade and pushes the balance of power in favour of subsidised Chinese companies".
Individual EU countries - principally Britain, France and Germany, but now also Italy - are overhauling their own regulations in order to vet Chinese investments in economic sectors deemed strategically significant. And now, the EU's diplomats, led by Ms Mogherini, have come up with an even more pointed response to China's BRI project."
https://www.straitstimes.com/…/eu-launches-alternative-to-c…
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