《新加坡聯合早報、紐約時報、BBC其他國際新聞 對美國因白人警察執法過當全國各地抗爭,且包圍白宮新聞》6/1
* 美國白人警察粗暴執法導致非洲裔男子死亡所引發的示威活動持續升級,使美國陷入近年來最嚴重的社會動蕩,多個大城市週六(5月30日)實施宵禁,至少有八個州屬出動了聯邦國民警衛隊維持秩序。
反種族歧視示威再升級 美20多個大城市實施宵禁 https://www.zaobao.com/znews/international/story20200601-1057699?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 全美多個城市因明尼蘇達州白人警察暴力執法引發的動亂越演越烈。
路透社:目擊者說,當地時間星期天(5月31日),一輛油罐車在明尼蘇達州一條州際公路衝向示威人群,但沒有人員受傷。油罐車司機下車後被示威者毆打。
油罐車衝向人群 美國德州進入災難狀態 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20200601-1057776?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 政治抗爭持續,美國全國多州進入緊急狀態,示威者包圍白宮,並且在白宮外現場燃燒物品,美國鎮暴警察國民警衛嚴正以待,剛剛噴催淚瓦斯,試圖驅除民眾。
George Floyd Protests Live Updates: Cities on Edge as Fires Burn Near the White House
Nationwide demonstrations resume, officials in several states reinforce their National Guard presence and anger mounts at increasingly aggressive tactics by the police.
RIGHT NOWFires are burning in the streets near the White House in Washington, where a curfew went into effect at 11 p.m. Eastern time.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/george-floyd-protests-live-updates.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share
*紐約時報抗爭簡報:
Here’s what you need to know:
*The White House goes dark as fires rage nearby.
*Two Atlanta police officers were fired for using excessive force during a protest.
*A man is arrested after driving a truck through a crowd of Minnesota protesters.
*Trump is heard, but not seen, on a simmering Sunday.
*Could protesting spread coronavirus? Officials are worried.
*National Guard commanders say troops are meant only to keep the peace.
*Looters strike Philadelphia stores while peaceful crowds protest at City Hall.
*白宮熄燈,示威群眾包圍。
The police fired tear gas near the White House on Sunday night to dissuade protesters who had smashed the windows of prominent buildings, overturned cars and set fires, with smoke seen rising from near the Washington Monument.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/george-floyd-protests-live-updates.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share
*支持非裔駕駛被白人警察執法致死抗爭,進入第六天,轉為暴力—BBC
George Floyd death: Violence erupts on sixth day of protests https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-52872401
* 此時此刻的白宮拉菲耶特廣場外,🔥已經燒到了川普官邸。紐約時報報導週五晚川普曾一度在幕僚建議下至白宮地下室短暫躲避。 http://t.cn/A62CLrdd —鳳凰衛視
* 當地時間5月31日,美國首都華盛頓連續三天爆發反種族歧視示威。當天,近千名示威者再次在白宮北側的拉斐特公園外示威抗議。人們手拿標語,高呼「沒有公正,就沒有和平」等口號。在華盛頓的抗議現場,有三類抗議者。第一類是真正為非裔爭取權益的和平抗議者。不僅是非裔,還有白人,西裔等等。今天還有華裔舉著中英文的標語:「黑人的命也是命。」第二類是打砸搶的犯罪分子,華盛頓的奢侈品店被砸,今天全部戒嚴;第三類是激進主義趁機製造混亂。
白宮外公共廁所全部是各種臟話塗鴉,被後期同事遮得無法辨認。http://t.cn/A62Ctu0C—鳳凰衛視
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過84萬的網紅BLV Anh Quân,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Man.City đã có giai đoạn khởi đầu năm mới tuyệt vời, khi chiến thắng quan trọng trước Liverpool và sau đó giành được những thắng lợ...
man city tactics 在 盧斯達 Facebook 的最佳解答
(在《紐約時報》談雨傘革命五周年)
【Hong Kong and the Independence Movement That Doesn’t Know Itself】
The protesters are more radical than they realize. Just like during the 2014 Umbrella Revolution.
By Lewis Lau Yiu-man
HONG KONG — Exactly five years ago, the Umbrella Movement broke out to demand respect for Hong Kong’s democratic freedoms. After it ended, having obtained no concessions from the local government or the Chinese authorities, political time accelerated in the city.
Two years later, social unrest erupted after a scuffle between the police and street hawkers and their supporters, who came to the sellers’ defense in the name of protecting Hong Kong traditions. Pro-democracy candidates were prevented from running in legislative elections or disqualified after winning seats on grounds that they hadn’t displayed enough loyalty toward the state or the notion that Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China. A political party advocating independence for Hong Kong was formed, then disbanded by the government. Feelings toward mainland China hardened. Hong Kong had long had a pro-democracy camp before 2014, but, in a way, the Umbrella Movement was the beginning of everything.
That’s because — want it or not, know it or not — the Umbrella Movement planted the seed of separatism in the city. I don’t mean that the idea was entirely new: There had been some proponents of localism, at the margins. And I don’t mean that separatism is now the order of the day: Most Hong Kongers who fight for democracy today would probably say that they simply want the proper implementation of our Basic Law, or mini-Constitution, and the “One Country, Two Systems” principle that is supposed to protect the city’s semi-autonomy from the mainland. I mean that the Umbrella Movement was, in fact, an independence movement — but an independence movement that didn’t know itself.
On Aug. 31, 2014 — the date, instantly infamous, lives on as “8/31” — Beijing issued a white paper setting out its vision of how to apply “One Country, Two Systems” to elections in Hong Kong. The document stated that the city’s next leader, or chief executive, would be elected by the public — but only after Beijing preselected the candidates through a nominating committee. The goal of such vetting seemed plain: to prevent the rise to power of a chief executive who might oppose or resist Beijing’s will.
Some scholars ridiculed this proposal as an “Iranian-style rigged system.” Many Hong Kongers opposed it, denouncing it as “fake democracy,” and instead started calling for “true democracy” and “real universal suffrage.” Five years later, “true democracy” is again a prominent slogan of the pro-democracy protesters, one of their five core demands. And though by now it may seem familiar, it is no less radical today than it was then.
Many Hong Kongers don’t seem to realize this, but we have been building a distinct Hong Kong nation — we have been nation-building — since the Umbrella Revolution.
Calls for real democracy aren’t just calls for general elections and universal suffrage; they are calls for general elections and universal suffrage without any intervention from Beijing. But for the Chinese authorities, the “One Country, Two Systems” principle isn’t some version of federalism; Hong Kong has no sovereignty of its own.
For them, never mind this principle or the Basic Law: China has the right to intervene in Hong Kong’s political affairs; in fact, that right is built into the system.
Some Chinese officials might even say that the mainland’s approach to the city is no different than a mother’s toward her child. There seems to be a consensus about all this in Beijing, as well as an expectation that Hong Kongers must share this understanding, too. Except that they don’t, or fewer and fewer of them do.
And so from Beijing’s perspective, when pro-democracy protesters and their supporters reject what it perceives as its right to intervene here, they are challenging its very sovereignty. In this, at least, Beijing is correct. It knows what many Hong Kongers don’t seem to have fully appreciated: Admit it or not, we are actually rejecting Chinese sovereignty — we are already an independence movement in disguise. And it all started with the Umbrella Movement.
In their notorious 8/31 white paper, the Chinese authorities in Beijing put forward that they had 全面管治權 over Hong Kong, roughly: the “all-inclusive power to govern, no holds barred.” The autonomy enjoyed by the special administrative region is not a given; it is given, or granted, by Beijing. Being told this angered many Hong Kongers, especially those longing for universal suffrage and those who had expected China to act as a responsible ruler and keep the promises it made, including in the Basic Law, for years to come. They saw Beijing’s declaration as an undue attempt to expand its power over Hong Kong, and they made a counter-declaration, in effect, setting out an entirely different vision for the city’s future.
Sep. 28, 2014 is now seen as the day that officially marks the beginning of the Umbrella Movement, and what happened on that day is that a bunch of people who opposed Beijing’s plans for Hong Kong, many of them students, rushed out the city’s main roads, bypassing the adults’ and elites’ own plans, and began occupying the streets in protest. Although they weren’t calling for Hong Kong’s independence then, they already were, perhaps without realizing it, rejecting the Beijing Consensus.
The Umbrella Movement also contained the political DNA of today’s next-generation protesters. It, too, had factions, internal struggles and disagreements over tactics. Benny Tai Yiu-ting, an academic who had been advocating a kind of Occupy operation in Central, a business district, was forced to accept a modified version of his own idea after supporters of the student leader Joshua Wong scaled the gates of the Legislative Council in Admiralty, triggering the police crackdown that really kick-started the movement.
In the course of the 79-day occupation that followed, the sit-in in Admiralty turned into something like a village of mostly young people and adults acting as chaperones of sorts. (A tented library was set up so that students could cram for exams.) But there was a second power center: the camps in Mong Kok, a working-class area, which gathered an older and more mixed crowd. Already back then, the protests’ metabolism ran on decentralization.
The Umbrella Movement was also the initial stage of the “do not split” ethos that binds protesters together today: If you disagree with a proposed action, sit it out, but don’t get in its way. Protesters got used to there being different modes of action in 2014, and that paved the way for an even more flexible, pragmatic approach that people follow now.
There were divergences of views between, say, Benny Tai and Joshua Wong and between the protesters in Admiralty and those in Mong Kok, but everyone was in the same fight together, on the side of democracy. Five years later, the notion that this cohesion, built around our aspirations and identity, extends beyond our differences has only grown stronger. And so has our hunger for self-determination. Even the people who aren’t calling for outright independence are part of an independence movement. The Umbrella Movement was the first battle in the clash of Chinese civilization.
man city tactics 在 無待堂 Facebook 的精選貼文
(在《紐約時報》談雨傘革命五周年)
【Hong Kong and the Independence Movement That Doesn’t Know Itself】
The protesters are more radical than they realize. Just like during the 2014 Umbrella Revolution.
By Lewis Lau Yiu-man
HONG KONG — Exactly five years ago, the Umbrella Movement broke out to demand respect for Hong Kong’s democratic freedoms. After it ended, having obtained no concessions from the local government or the Chinese authorities, political time accelerated in the city.
Two years later, social unrest erupted after a scuffle between the police and street hawkers and their supporters, who came to the sellers’ defense in the name of protecting Hong Kong traditions. Pro-democracy candidates were prevented from running in legislative elections or disqualified after winning seats on grounds that they hadn’t displayed enough loyalty toward the state or the notion that Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China. A political party advocating independence for Hong Kong was formed, then disbanded by the government. Feelings toward mainland China hardened. Hong Kong had long had a pro-democracy camp before 2014, but, in a way, the Umbrella Movement was the beginning of everything.
That’s because — want it or not, know it or not — the Umbrella Movement planted the seed of separatism in the city. I don’t mean that the idea was entirely new: There had been some proponents of localism, at the margins. And I don’t mean that separatism is now the order of the day: Most Hong Kongers who fight for democracy today would probably say that they simply want the proper implementation of our Basic Law, or mini-Constitution, and the “One Country, Two Systems” principle that is supposed to protect the city’s semi-autonomy from the mainland. I mean that the Umbrella Movement was, in fact, an independence movement — but an independence movement that didn’t know itself.
On Aug. 31, 2014 — the date, instantly infamous, lives on as “8/31” — Beijing issued a white paper setting out its vision of how to apply “One Country, Two Systems” to elections in Hong Kong. The document stated that the city’s next leader, or chief executive, would be elected by the public — but only after Beijing preselected the candidates through a nominating committee. The goal of such vetting seemed plain: to prevent the rise to power of a chief executive who might oppose or resist Beijing’s will.
Some scholars ridiculed this proposal as an “Iranian-style rigged system.” Many Hong Kongers opposed it, denouncing it as “fake democracy,” and instead started calling for “true democracy” and “real universal suffrage.” Five years later, “true democracy” is again a prominent slogan of the pro-democracy protesters, one of their five core demands. And though by now it may seem familiar, it is no less radical today than it was then.
Many Hong Kongers don’t seem to realize this, but we have been building a distinct Hong Kong nation — we have been nation-building — since the Umbrella Revolution.
Calls for real democracy aren’t just calls for general elections and universal suffrage; they are calls for general elections and universal suffrage without any intervention from Beijing. But for the Chinese authorities, the “One Country, Two Systems” principle isn’t some version of federalism; Hong Kong has no sovereignty of its own.
For them, never mind this principle or the Basic Law: China has the right to intervene in Hong Kong’s political affairs; in fact, that right is built into the system.
Some Chinese officials might even say that the mainland’s approach to the city is no different than a mother’s toward her child. There seems to be a consensus about all this in Beijing, as well as an expectation that Hong Kongers must share this understanding, too. Except that they don’t, or fewer and fewer of them do.
And so from Beijing’s perspective, when pro-democracy protesters and their supporters reject what it perceives as its right to intervene here, they are challenging its very sovereignty. In this, at least, Beijing is correct. It knows what many Hong Kongers don’t seem to have fully appreciated: Admit it or not, we are actually rejecting Chinese sovereignty — we are already an independence movement in disguise. And it all started with the Umbrella Movement.
In their notorious 8/31 white paper, the Chinese authorities in Beijing put forward that they had 全面管治權 over Hong Kong, roughly: the “all-inclusive power to govern, no holds barred.” The autonomy enjoyed by the special administrative region is not a given; it is given, or granted, by Beijing. Being told this angered many Hong Kongers, especially those longing for universal suffrage and those who had expected China to act as a responsible ruler and keep the promises it made, including in the Basic Law, for years to come. They saw Beijing’s declaration as an undue attempt to expand its power over Hong Kong, and they made a counter-declaration, in effect, setting out an entirely different vision for the city’s future.
Sep. 28, 2014 is now seen as the day that officially marks the beginning of the Umbrella Movement, and what happened on that day is that a bunch of people who opposed Beijing’s plans for Hong Kong, many of them students, rushed out the city’s main roads, bypassing the adults’ and elites’ own plans, and began occupying the streets in protest. Although they weren’t calling for Hong Kong’s independence then, they already were, perhaps without realizing it, rejecting the Beijing Consensus.
The Umbrella Movement also contained the political DNA of today’s next-generation protesters. It, too, had factions, internal struggles and disagreements over tactics. Benny Tai Yiu-ting, an academic who had been advocating a kind of Occupy operation in Central, a business district, was forced to accept a modified version of his own idea after supporters of the student leader Joshua Wong scaled the gates of the Legislative Council in Admiralty, triggering the police crackdown that really kick-started the movement.
In the course of the 79-day occupation that followed, the sit-in in Admiralty turned into something like a village of mostly young people and adults acting as chaperones of sorts. (A tented library was set up so that students could cram for exams.) But there was a second power center: the camps in Mong Kok, a working-class area, which gathered an older and more mixed crowd. Already back then, the protests’ metabolism ran on decentralization.
The Umbrella Movement was also the initial stage of the “do not split” ethos that binds protesters together today: If you disagree with a proposed action, sit it out, but don’t get in its way. Protesters got used to there being different modes of action in 2014, and that paved the way for an even more flexible, pragmatic approach that people follow now.
There were divergences of views between, say, Benny Tai and Joshua Wong and between the protesters in Admiralty and those in Mong Kok, but everyone was in the same fight together, on the side of democracy. Five years later, the notion that this cohesion, built around our aspirations and identity, extends beyond our differences has only grown stronger. And so has our hunger for self-determination. Even the people who aren’t calling for outright independence are part of an independence movement. The Umbrella Movement was the first battle in the clash of Chinese civilization.
man city tactics 在 BLV Anh Quân Youtube 的精選貼文
Man.City đã có giai đoạn khởi đầu năm mới tuyệt vời, khi chiến thắng quan trọng trước Liverpool và sau đó giành được những thắng lợi liên tiếp ở FA CUP và CARABAO CUP. Đoàn quân đầy sức mạnh của Pep Guardiola đã thị uy trở lại, và họ vẫn xứng đáng là đội bóng đáng xem nhất lúc này.
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man city tactics 在 巴哈姆特電玩瘋 Youtube 的最佳貼文
■ 新 Game 報到:
→ 1. 《無雙☆群星大會串》
→ 2.《黑暗靈魂 3 環印城 DARK SOULS III THE RINGED CITY》
→ 3.《BLUE REFLECTION 幻舞少女之劍》
→ 4.《天命 2 / Destiny 2 》
→ 5.《美國職棒大聯盟 17 / MLB The Show 17》
→ 6.《軒轅劍外傳:穹之扉》
→ 7.《全軍破敵:戰鎚 2 / Total War: WARHAMMER 2》
→ 8.《戰國無雙 真田丸》中文版
→ 9.《88 Heroes》
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博君一笑! 2017 愚人節搞笑新聞大集合!
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《小精靈小姐 Ms.PAC-MAN》
《Thunderbolt Fantasy 東離劍遊紀》X 《刀劍亂舞》
《神魔之塔 VR》
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《Tactics Alexander》
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