關於 meet global tea time ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

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[Paris pastries / 巴黎甜點] Florence Lesage 主廚（The Westin Paris - Vendôme）發表復活節蛋創作與春季下午茶甜點 / Florence Lesage to present her Easter egg creation & Spring tea time pastries (English below)

前日下午去參加了 The Westin Paris-Vendôme（巴黎威斯汀凡登酒店）甜點主廚 Florence Lesage 的復活節巧克力蛋與春季下午茶作品發表會。雖然新年剛過沒多久，突然發現已經開始發表復活節作品有點反應不過來，但很開心知道春天馬上就要到了。

最近女性議題、女性力量在廚藝界是熱門關鍵字，許多推動重要食物議題的代表性人物都是女性。巴黎的甜點界也沒有置身這個浪潮之外，開始有越來越多女性甜點主廚展露頭角，Florence Lesage 主廚就是其中一位。年僅 25 歲，Florence 在甜點領域擁有多項資格（包括 BEP, Bac Pro, BTM 等），並獲得多項國際比賽大獎，如 Olympiades des Métiers （職業奧林匹克競賽）中獲得法國區域比賽金牌（2014）、全國金牌（2014）、全球銀牌（2015），及 2015 年 Wolrdskills Competition （世界技能競賽）的銀牌。她的糖工藝技術高超，今年更將代表法國參加 MDAS Mondial des Arts Sucrés（全球糖工藝競賽）。

我之前在為商業周刊寫的 2019 耶誕蛋糕專題中曾經介紹過 Florence 主廚的作品「瑪麗安東妮的耶誕」（Le Noël de Marie-Antoinette），細緻柔美、充滿浪漫風格，這其實是我在去年巴黎巧克力大展時看到最喜歡的耶誕蛋糕作品。這次非常幸運能夠和主廚本人見面、品嚐她的甜點，沒想到她也記得我，希望以後有更多機會能夠交流。

Florence 主廚的復活節巧克力蛋作品最令人驚奇的部分，是將其懸吊在巧克力雕塑製成的提燈中。提燈的主體部分由 40% 牛奶巧克力與 64% 黑巧克力製成，巧克力蛋外面以金箔包裹，內部則裝填了黑巧克力與白巧克力搭配帕林內（praliné）夾心的迷你巧克力蛋。春季的下午茶甜點則有五款，包括巧克力修女泡芙（religieuse chcocolat）、香草芒果米布丁（riz au lait vanille-mangue）、厚片開心果餅乾（cookie pistache）、法式布丁塔（flan）、大黃覆盆子塔（tarte rhubarbe framboise）。整體而言非常清爽，但味道都有足夠的深度與層次感。主廚並在我們前面敲碎巧克力蛋與大家一起分享，相關影音請點此欣賞（記得按到最後）：https://tinyurl.com/seaq8qu。記得點照片看更多資訊！

🔖 延伸閱讀：

商業周刊第 1674 期「2019 耶誕蛋糕 法式驚奇」專題：https://tinyurl.com/qkpstwm

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Got invited to the discover the Easter egg creation & 2020 spring tea time menu of the chef Florence Lesage the day before yesterday. I was actually very surprised to find out that it seems Spring is coming soon though the new year holidays were not so long time ago.

Female chefs, women power are the keywords recently when talking about food topics. French pastry industry is of no exception. More and more female chefs are making their way to stand out of the crowd. The chef Florence Lesage is one of them. Aged only 25, she is now the head pastry chef of The Westin Paris-Vendôme, boasting several pastry qualifications such as BEP, Bac Pro, BTM, and a dazzling background. Florence was awarded gold medal at the regional and national trials of Olympiades des Métiers in France during 2014 and 2015, she then won the silver medal in the global competition in 2015. She also won the silver medal in the 2015 Wolrdskills Competition that took place in São Paulo, Brazil. This year she is will be representing France in the Mondial des Arts Sucrés ( Sugar Art World Championship).

I’ve briefly talked about her wonderful Yule log creation in my article published on Business Weekly Taiwan last December. The “Noël de Marie-Antoinette” (Christmas of Marie-Antoinette) creation shows a delicate golden candle stand made of almond-orange cake with vanilla mousse and with 6 pink mini candles which are in fact a French mousse cake featuring the combination of marmalade and hazelnut mousse. This sweet and graceful work is actually my favorite among all Yule log creations that were exhibited at the Salon du Chocolat last year. It was really a pleasure that I finally got to meet the chef in person! Really can’t wait to see more of her future creations!

Entirely covered by gold left and filled with black and milk chocolate eggs with hazelnut praliné filling, this chocolate egg is directly attached to the chocolate sculpture shaped as a lantern. The chef demonstrated how it should be broken and shared with the family and friends that day which wowed everyone of us. Watch the video here: https://tinyurl.com/seaq8qu. 5 pastries are created for the Spring tea time menu, including a chocolate religieuse, a vanilla mango rice pudding, a pistachio cookie, a flan, and a rhubarb raspberry tart. Click on the photos for more information!

🔖 Read more:

2019 Paris Yule logs creations: https://tinyurl.com/qkpstwm

#yingspastryguide #paris #florencelesage #thepariswestinvendôme

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.