關於 suppressed 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【香港大學學生會無懼國安法聲明｜Statement that the Hong Kong University Students’ Union fears not of the National Security Law】

(Please scroll for English version)

《中華人民共和國香港特別行政區維護國家安全法》（下稱國安法）於六月三十日晚上十一時生效，同日公佈實際條文。七月一日，首次有抗爭者因高舉旗幟被捕。自政權明目張膽地打壓「光復香港，時代革命」、「香港獨立，唯一出路」兩句口號起，言論自由蕩然無存，青山綠水不再依舊，昔日美好的香港不復存在。

香港大學應為香港而立。如今香港禮崩樂壞，我校亦未能倖免。國安法中文版本指名「加強監督和管理學校」，七月五日更於英文版本加插「大學（University）」一字。校方隨即剷除連儂牆上的字句，屈服於強權之下。香港大學百年基業有賴院校自主、學術自由，國安法卻將之毀於一旦。

「世界有陰影，但亮光在對比下顯得更強。」香港人綻放了令人驚心動魄的亮光，這股光芒帶給我們希望，而他將永久照耀這片土地。縱使前路一片漆黑，我們定必團結抵抗邪惡。

我等在此呼籲各位切勿自我審查，屈服於政權的白色恐怖之下。香港大學學生會勢必與香港人同行，守護屬於我們的香港，共同迎來香港的黎明。

香港大學學生會
二零二零年七月八日

“The Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” (National Security Law) took effect at 11:00 p.m. June 30. Actual provisions of the law were published on the same day. The first arrest was made in holding flags on July 1. Ever since the regime blatantly suppressed the slogans of “Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Time” and “Hong Kong Independence is the Only Way Out”, freedom of expression has been quashed. Everything has changed. The good old Hong Kong no longer exists.

The University of Hong Kong is to be for Hong Kong. Now that Hong Kong was devastated, our institute is certainly no exception. The Chinese version of the National Security Law specifies strengthening “supervision and regulation of schools”. The word “universities” was even inserted into the English version on July 5. Subsequently, the University demolished words on the Lennon wall, submitting to tyranny. Institutional autonomy and academic freedom had been the foundation of achievements of the University of Hong Kong for more than a century. The National Security Law, however, dealt a blow to such.

There are dark shadows on the earth, but its lights are stronger in the contrast. Hongkongers has shined out bright and brought hope to the city. Such lights shall last forever. Albeit darkness ahead, we shall fight against malignancy.

Do not yield and bow to white terror of the regime by self-censorship. The Hong Kong University Students’ Union shall walk alongside Hongkongers to safeguard our Hong Kong until the dawn comes.

The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
July 8, 2020

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

[City of London]
私房景點分享倫敦- St Bartholomew's Hospital
很多人都知道亨利八世的6個老婆(很多人頭落地)，但應該不知道他有心軟的一面。
https://goo.gl/ipJ5W1

16世紀中葉正當宗教改革時候，醫院也是教堂的資產，亨利瓦解了天主教政權和財產，同時也收納了這間還在倫敦，可追溯到13世紀最老的 St Bart's 醫院(聽說當時病人主要飲食是麵包配啤酒)，醫院被政府收納後，幾萬的人口沒醫生可以看，最後好幾次人民起意，勸說後，亨利八世最後把醫院換給市政府。這個神秘的彩繪玻璃（亨利八世在中間拿著權杖，左下角的藍袍的是倫敦市長Lord Mayor接收亨利的醫院合約 ）就藏在這醫院的夾角中。要是路過倫敦，大家來一起來找吧。

體驗更多的倫敦故事歡迎加入藝起逛City of London 導覽
https://goo.gl/ipJ5W1

St Bartholomew's Hospital
W Smithfield, London EC1A 7BE

[City of London ]You don't normal see Henry 8 associate with healing the sick and saving like for the 6 times married king. Priory of st Bartholomew ( old hospital ) was suppressed in 1539, and thousand of local lack of medical care. Petition were signed. 1546 Henry 8th grant "the hospital " the name has to be the '"house of the poor in west Smithfield in the suburb of city of London, king Henry 8th foundation, a rare stain glass still hanging the St Bartholomew museum today. What a fine little gems

#跟葛藝起逛英國 #中文導遊 #英國導遊 #英國歷史 #henry8th #stbartholomew #Cityoflondon

Marina about China/HK’s situation:

China ~ is going to go to globalism - that’s what they say, and they are also going to have two riots, it’s going to be right in front of people’s faces. Chinese, they say, are not to be messed with. Their culture that are big in pride and when they are being attacked, they will fight, especially the section of Hong Kong because there was more opening, more freedom, more freedom of thinking, they were not suppressed. This is the reason why the stuff that is happening from Hong Kong, you don’t see in another region because the other regions were suppressed through the regime, whatever that was, Hong Kong was almost like a free-thinking, almost like England, and that’s why when you try to suppress the consciousness that was free, they’re much more aware of what’s really happening because of the information and this is the reason why it’s happening from there, from there, it’s going to be like a snowball for the entire country, it’s exposure and showing the pure evil of communism, socialism is not really socialism. it’s communism and fascism , those three are connected to each other, they say. And it’s just the “interlocking”, they are talking about interlocking bylaws that are implemented very sneakily they say in a governmental structure, not only through China, but including through the government of the US. And they say pay very close attention to California. because their “bylaws” that were interlocking with that type of regime, this was based on agendas for global control, this was not based on agenda for serenity and sovereignty to US. This was based on a global agenda. This bylaws - so anybody that looks at California, and what’s happening there, you’re going to see it.

we should watch her channel on her website - Freedom Awakening

The platform of the codes of the matrix are on track, the new modality of the increasing of the frequency already coming through the fields, so escalation will happen because the more the frequency is spinning in the quantum structure more people who is with balance or off balance is going to come information so don’t be surprised when you see all these fights that is happening and all these manipulation is happening because it’s somebody’s else’s survival even if it’s coming from completely different way of thinking. Again not a judgement for anybody but we should just be patient and do your research. Do research on Freedom Awakening in my sub channel of the Harmonic Reactor, there is a Freedom Awakening channel, scroll down, you are going to see it and one after the other your have proofs and the commentaries and whistleblowers that talk about stuff that I already know to be true from my reality, I do not post or support something that I am not already done. I post stuff that I am 100% sure that I got information on that already. Otherwise you will not see them posted.

Marina關於中國/香港的情況：

中國〜將走向全球化 - 這就是他們 (他們指The Council of Nine）所說的，他們也將發生兩次騷亂。他們說，中國人不應該被搞砸。他們為自己的文化自豪，當他們受到攻擊時，他們會戰鬥，特別是香港的部分，因為有更多的開放，更多的自由，更多的思想自由，他們沒有受到壓制。這就是為什麼香港發生的事情，你沒有在另一個地區看到因為其他地區被政權壓制，無論如何，香港幾乎像一個自由思想，幾乎像英國，這就是為什麼當你試圖壓制自由的意識時，他們會更加意識到由於信息而發生的事情，這就是為什麼它從那裡發生的原因，從那裡開始，它就像一個雪球整個國家，它暴露並表現出共產主義的純粹邪惡，社會主義並不是真正的社會主義。他們說，這是共產主義和法西斯主義，這三者是相互聯繫的。它只是“互聯”，他們談論的是互聯章程，他們在政府結構中非常狡猾地實施，不僅通過中國，而且包括通過美國政府。他們說要非常關注加州。因為他們的“章程”與這種政權相互聯繫，這是基於全球控制的議程，這不是基於對美國的寧靜和主權議程。這是基於全球議程。這條章程 - 任何看過加利福尼亞的人，以及那裡發生的事情，你都會看到它。
。

The Harmonic Reactor https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCKaW-6KuhVvEIX-oRG7cBZQ


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