關於 thailand military history ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

วิกฤติอาร์เจนตินา ที่รัฐบาลผิดนัดชำระหนี้ /โดย ลงทุนแมน
พันธบัตรรัฐบาลดูเหมือนเป็นสินทรัพย์ที่ปราศจากความเสี่ยง (Risk-free asset)
แต่ในตอนนี้มีอยู่ประเทศหนึ่ง ที่รัฐบาลไม่สามารถหาเงินมาชำระหนี้ได้
ประเทศนั้นชื่อ อาร์เจนตินา
เรื่องนี้มีที่มาเป็นอย่างไร...
Continue ReadingThe Argentina crisis that the government defaults to pay debt / invest manly.
Government bonds seem like risk free assets (Risk-free asset)
But now there is one country where the government can't afford to pay the debt.
That country is Argentina
How does this come to be?
Investing man will tell you about it.
╔═══════════╗
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World economy 1,000 years. 6th typing.
Order at (get 10 % discount from the cover price of 350 baht)
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Year of July. Prof. 2010 Argentina's public debt is at 4.9 trillion baht.
Or about 44 % of GDP

Year of July. Prof. 2019 Argentina's public debt is at 11 trillion baht.
Or about 93 % of GDP

Increasing public debt is creating a heavy problem for Argentina now called Argentina the sick people of South America.

Some may not know that once in the early 20th century, Argentina was one of the world's most wealthy countries.

Because Argentina's farming industry is growing greatly from lands, fertile and climate suitable for agriculture sector.

This story is made in July. B.E. 1913 Argentina is addicted to 1 of the 10 countries with the world's highest population income.

However, time has passed 106 years
In the year. B.E. 2019 Argentina's per capita income falls to 66 of the world.

The beginning of economic fragility of a country is born from 2 main causes.

1. Political unrest, which comes from the Revolution of the military and corruption of cuddle Politicians.

2. Policy implementation of many leaders in the past who wanted to create a nationalist and bring in printing and budget spending, large amounts of balance.

When things are like this, it causes financial burden to the country.

Argentina has experienced various problems like a strong patient.

So how does this affect Argentina?

Year of July. Prof. 2019 The country's inflation rate is at 54 % highest in almost 30 years.
And the 5th highest in the world

During the year of July B.E. 2009-2019 Argentina has a budget deficit every year, making Argentina one of the world's longest budgeted countries.

The government's debt burden is increasingly composed to high-level inflation. This is why the Argentine peso goes down quickly.

If we exchanged $ 1 for Argentina pesos
Year of July. B.E. 2009 will exchange for 3.8 Argentina pesos
Year of July. B.E. 2019 will exchange for 60 Argentina pesos

The country's money is almost 1,480 % weaker. Many people may think that one side of peso money should help the export sector of the country, but it doesn't seem like much. Because today, the export sector is just 14 % of the country's exports. GDP value only

Peso's weakening of money makes the central bank have to use the reserve to keep the money from severely weakening.

But this has reduced the central bank reserve substantially from 2.1 trillion baht in July. B.E. 2018
Only 1.2 trillion baht left now.

Argentina needs help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) worth over 1.8 trillion baht, which is the most critical country's subsidy in IMF history.

However, another bad joke is
Currently, the public debt burden that the Argentina government has is 80 % in foreign debt and most are in the picture of US dollars.

The weakness of Argentina peso compared to US dollars makes the country's debt increase because more Argentina peso is required to pay the same debt.

We can imagine that 10 years ago
If we owe $ 1
We will spend just 3.8 Argentina pesos to exchange $ 1 to pay back debt.

But come today, we're spending 60 Argentina pesos to exchange $ 1 to pay back debt.

This kind of thing has happened to Thailand in July. Prof. 1997 Many people remember that we need to spend 2 times more money to pay the same debt.

But Argentina is now not 2 times more debt, but ten times more debt..

The Argentina government currently has foreign debt for over 2 trillion baht and recently, the Argentina government has just defaulted to pay the debt (Default). Pay interest in stock loan amounts of over 16,000 million baht.

The government has previously negotiated restructuring debt with creditors to pay down interest and delay debt repayment, but it is rejected by creditors. Now the Argentine government needs to revisit the new offer to negotiate with creditors again.

Which now doesn't know what the final conclusion of this story will be.
But for sure, if the Argentina government can't afford to pay debt to the creditors, the story may be worse than we see now.

While Argentina's debts pay interest for the 9th Argentina in country history after Argentina has experienced total 8 moratorium defaults since Spain independence in July. Prof. 1816 or 204 years ago

This may be a lesson for many countries to learn things from countries that have experienced problems in order to avoid and not follow those countries.

Thailand now seems far from being Argentina
But be careful because everything, if careless, it can always happen..
╔═══════════╗
If you want to know the way of the world economy, you need to understand
World economy 1,000 years. 6th typing.
Order at (get 10 % discount from the cover price of 350 baht)
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Website - longtunman.com
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References
-https://tradingeconomics.com/argentina/government-debt-to-gdp
-https://www.statista.com/statistics/316929/national-debt-of-argentina-in-relation-to-gross-domestic-product-gdp/
-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_history_of_Argentina
-https://www.statista.com/statistics/316750/inflation-rate-in-argentina/
-https://www.reuters.com/article/us-argentina-economy/argentinas-economic-crisis-explained-in-five-charts-idUSKCN1LD1S7
-https://www.ft.com/content/e6f5c436-37d2-11ea-a6d3-9a26f8c3cba4
-https://www.statista.com/statistics/316916/argentinas-budget-balance-in-relation-to-gdp/
-https://www.bbc.com/news/business-49429361
-https://www.cnbc.com/2020/05/07/argentinas-government-appears-set-to-default-citing-covid-19-pandemic.html
-https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/may/22/argentina-set-for-default-as-bondholders-reject-new-terms
-https://www.dw.com/en/argentina-in-default-for-second-time-this-century/a-53542302Translated

Route: ฟินแลนด์+เอสโตเนีย+ลัตเวีย+ลิทัวเนีย+โปแลนด์+สาธารณรัฐเช็ก 7 วัน (6 คืน)/ 1,250 €
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# เที่ยวกรุงปราก เมืองเก่าได้รับการขึ้นทะเบียนให้เป็นมรดกโลกโดยองค์การ UNESCO ในปี ค.ศ. 1992 เยี่ยมชมจัตุรัสเมืองเก่า Old Town Square, หอนาฬิกาดาราศาสตร์ Town Hall Clock, โบสถ์แม่พระ Church of Our Lady Before Tyn, ย่านถนนช็อปปิ้งตลาดพื้นเมืองร้านค้า, สะพาน Charles Bridge
+ พานั่งรถแทรมโบราณคลาสิคขึ้นสู่ปราสาท Prague Castle และเยี่ยมชมปราสาท Prague Castle เป็นปร...
Continue ReadingRoute: Finland + Estonia + Lor cuddle tvia + Lith Cuddle Wania + Poland + Czech Republic 7 days (6 nights) / 1,250 €
You can set your travel date
#Travel to Prague, old city has been registered as world heritage by unesco organization in July. Prof. 1992 visit old town square, astronomical town Hall Clock Tower, Mae Phra Church of our lady before tyn, shopping street, native market, Charles Bridge
+ take an ancient track ride to Prague castle and visit Prague Castle, the world's largest ancient castle, certified by Guinness book of world records, st Cathedral. Vitus Cathedral, Golden Lane road area
+ Warschau City is the largest capital and city of Poland. The City is located on two sides of vistula river. Visit the old town area which is announced as world heritage by UNESCO (United Nations Education Science and culture organization) There are many various architecture sources that have been built in the late 13th century, church st. Cazimier, Cathedral. Jana, native market rynek nowego miasta
+ travel to trakai. Former Capital of lith cuddle wania since July. Prof. 1423 and a former military center of governance and military visit trakai island castle, built in the 14th century, located on the middle of the island, one of the galv√lake lakes inside the castle. The exhibition room to perform. The history and history of this castle is now a castle that still preserves the old architecture.
+ travel to vilnius, the capital of lith cuddle wania, which has a long history. Visit old town, Gothic and Baroque House Building, ancient city wall gate of dawn built in the 1th century, town building. Hall, church of st. Casimir, Lithuania National Drama theater
+ travel to Riga, capital of Latvia and the largest capital in Baltic Sea. Visit the old town, traditional wooden house building that remains beautiful with colorful and art nouveau architecture in the 19-20th century. One of the most beautiful architecture in Europe, see the city council square, house of black heads, Gothic architecture building built with red bricks destroyed during world war ii and received. Restoration to celebrate 800 years, rolands monument is a symbol of justice and liberty, st church. Peter Cathedral, the oldest white stone church of the city and stroll in the local market area in the heart of the city.
+ travel to Tallinn, the capital of Estonia and is called the oldest city in Baltic Sea. Located on the Baltic Seaside, which has a history of more than 3,000 years. It has been selected as a world Heritage City by organization. UNESCO SINCE JULY Prof. 1997 visited the old town of toompea area surrounded by old, colorful, beautiful, Gothic building built in the cuddle th century. Toompea Castle, built by Denmark people in year. (sighs) Prof. 1219, Gothic Church Alexander Nevsky Cathedral is a very beautiful architecture built in the days of Alexander 3th Alexander, the old town wall is still well preserved and take a walk to see the old town along sok road. Chew chew
+ Travel Helsinki, long historic city, visit the native market square, finnair skywheel, Senate Square Parliament Square, one of the most gorgeous in Europe, rock church rock church. This church drilled into large stone cavity in the century. At 19, Uspenski Cathedral Cathedral is the cathedral of Christianity, Orthodox, built during the year. Prof. 1862-1868 was designed by aleksei gornostajev. This Cathedral is considered a correlation machine between Finland and Russia, Finnish National Theatre building.
+ International Cruise, Finland and Estonia are located in Europe over the Baltic Sea, surrounded by Scandinavian Peninsula. Enjoy views, islands and shores.
...................................
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(private room + bathroom)
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- hotel accommodation fee @ Poland
- hotel accommodation fee @ lith cuddle wania
- hotel accommodation fee @ Lor cuddle tvia
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(PS) Or you custom trip, set your country and number of days as you want. Then we will plan a travel program and offer you a price for you to consider making decisions / we are hiring for travel all over all countries in Europe & UK)Translated

A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew

THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...

I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________

(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)

*

The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.

His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.

In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.

We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.

Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.

Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.

International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.

Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.

As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.

With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.

The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.

Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.

Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.

It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.

It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.

Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.

He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.

The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?

-----

SAYANG! kindly share.

At the base of Chu Prong Mountain on Highway 14C near Pleiku City, was one of the most famous battlegrounds of the Vietnam War. The movie We Were Soldiers recounts this moment in history. Thousands of soldiers died around this area. I didn't know very much when I came here. I wasn't too sure if I was in the exact location because I only had a picture of a map. But it turns out that it was indeed the right spot.

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