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#睡前故事：【分泌】

我喜歡上你的原因是你總讓我的身體分泌。

眼淚，汗水，體液，更多是那無以名狀的化學物質。

那是一個陽光明媚的冬日早上，舞蹈室內的一男一女隨著音樂跳著充滿暗喻的現代舞蹈，一推一拉用身體對話著。

「真奇怪，無論跳了多久，流了多少汗，妳嗅起來總是好香。」

「是嗎...」她知道跟他跳舞時，她流的汗的味道是不一樣的，那是一種帶著原始慾望的味道。在那充滿感情的雙人舞裡，她的分泌總因他的觸碰而變得失控。

為了掩飾那種味道，她在和他舞蹈前，總噴上最持久的昂貴香水去遮蓋。

「我喜歡這種味道的你。」

「那不過是香水的味道啦。」

他倆是最好的舞伴，舞蹈裡虛擬的感情化成充滿熱情的舞動，微妙的化學反應，總是觸動著觀眾。

分泌，很多的分泌。

有時候她會想就是這種分泌才會令她如此投入與他的每個舞蹈。她甚至懷疑這種過份的分泌都暴露在觀眾前，正是這種分泌才讓觀眾看出那舞蹈中接近真實的感情。像雌性動物發情時會散發出一種獨有的味道去吸引雄性動物。對於這種不受控的分泌，她感到點點的羞恥，卻也帶著莫明的興奮。

那一天是他們在舞台的小表演，遲到的她來不及噴上香水就要開始他們的表演。

她心裡很怕，緊張讓她的分泌更肆虐，她聞到自己因劇烈運動和不安的心情分泌出來的體液味道更是猖狂，那是接近性愛時會流出來的味道。

他倆貼著身的跳舞，彼此的身體熱力和心跳都如此相近。他如平常般若無其事地用柔情的眼神與她共舞。

並沒有被發現，她開始放鬆的舞動起來。揉合著那羞恥和罪疚感帶來的興奮，她像走入無人之境，將內心那些無以名狀的情感分泌，都灌注在舞蹈之中。而他也無形地被她的激情帶動著，看她的眼神比平常多了一份複雜。

他們在激烈的喘息下進行著表演。台下的觀眾不知被甚麼強烈而混濁的東西觸動到，都屏息專注地看著他們的表演。在有點焗促的小禮堂，有些觀眾甚至投入得流著微微的汗，不同人的汗水及體液混合在一起，空氣彌漫著一種原始又純粹的香氣。

表演結束，空氣一時凝結了數刻，觀眾才從陶醉中醒來熱烈地拍著手。

---------------

「喂，你的男友過來接你啦。」

看著他喜滋滋地飛快執拾好自己的行裝，走向她身旁，輕輕地吻一吻她還是微紅的臉頰。

「今天跳得好開心，下次再夾過舞。」

「好啦，你快點同你的大隻男友去開心啦。」

「你今天比平時還要香，下次介紹你用的香水給我，好嗎？」

「唔。」

在她還不知道如何反應的一刻，他已擁著一個身材健碩的男士遠去。

她仔細地擦拭自己身上的汗水，似是想要抹去剛剛過於失控的情感及情慾。看著鏡中的自己除了茫然若失的眼神，更多了一份嫵媚。她喜歡這樣的自己，她看著鏡中半裸的自己，舞者才有精鍊的線條，有點扁平的胸部，潮紅的肌膚。

「這樣的狀態很美。」

她突然感謝遇到讓她分泌的他，可以如此純粹蠻橫地感受身體帶來的原始情慾，讓她看到不一樣的自己。縱使她知道她和他永遠不會做愛，或是相愛。

「這樣的狀態已很美。」

Storyteller： Future Ki @her.eroticstory
Illustrator：Isaac Spellman @Isaac.spellman

#EveryoneisStoryteller #睡前故事 #FutureKi #hereroticstory #IsaacSpellman #沒有你的故事也是你的故事

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毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

冷冷的冬天，一定要吃薑母鴨、燒酒雞補補身體！但當心補錯身體反而出問題，婦產科醫師郭安妮說，尤其是有子宮肌瘤、巧克力囊腫的患者，更不能隨便補，最好要遵從醫師指示。

此外，郭醫師還要教妳更年期、經期或是想瘦身時怎麼吃對身體最有幫助！

更年期怎麼吃最好？
郭安妮醫師說明，更年期即是女性卵巢功能開始衰退的時期，此時動情素會快速下降。

動情素對女性有3項很重要的功能：

新陳代謝
郭安妮醫師說，動情素下降會導致新陳代謝速度變慢，所以停經後通常會明顯感受到胖得比較快。此時就必須調整飲食份量，沒辦法像以前吃那麼多，更要保有運動習慣。

心血管健康
動情素有保護心血管的功效，當停止分泌時，我們血中膽固醇及中性脂肪會漸漸增加，因此更年期攝取油脂更要挑對「好油」，例如：不飽和脂肪酸含量高的食用油。

骨密度
由於缺乏動情素的保護，更年期開始骨頭就會衰退得更快，此時要注意鈣質的補充，除了透過保健食品補充外，也能加強日常飲食，好比從牛奶、秋葵、小魚乾等食物中攝取。

此外，郭安妮醫師也提醒，動情素下降後，有些女性會開始出現「更年期症候群」的症狀。例如：熱潮紅、盜汗、失眠等；有些人也會出現脾氣暴躁、易怒、焦慮、憂鬱等心理症狀，這些身心狀態常統稱為更年期症候群。

她建議，此時飲食上應避開「刺激性」的食物，例如含咖啡因的咖啡、茶類等，同時維持適度運動、充足睡眠等，減緩不適。而若症狀過於嚴重，影響到工作及人際關係時，可在醫師的指示下，補充一些女性荷爾蒙。


荷爾蒙混亂：不正常減重也是原因

郭安妮醫師分享，臨床上有蠻多20幾歲的年輕女性，希望自己能達到很瘦的身材，因此激烈節食瘦身，結果導致月經半年沒來。「一個月內快速掉了5公斤，體脂肪快速變化之下，卵巢功能就會休息。」

郭安妮醫師進一步解釋，當卵巢功能休息，就會開始不規則排卵，造成月經不來，甚至影響整個荷爾蒙運作，也就是動情素會混亂。

「動情素是維持女生年輕漂亮、身材窈窕的重要元素，」郭安妮醫師指出，若是為了瘦身，導致荷爾蒙不平衡，可能造成膚質變差、心血管出問題及骨質疏鬆等，既無法達到想要的體態，身體健康又亮紅燈。「不一定是愈瘦愈好，我們還是要適度。」


經期進補要注意

有些人會認為經期身體比較虛弱，就會額外進補，但郭安妮醫師提醒，補錯時間當心造成反效果「臨床上就碰過月經來血崩的患者，發現是媽媽給她過度進補。」

經期忌吃「活血」食補
麻油人參酒
薑母鴨
麻油雞
燒酒雞

郭安妮醫師強調，月經期間要避開上述類型的食補，因為都有「活血」的功效，可能會造成異常大量的出血。她指出，若是使用一般日用型的衛生棉，兩個小時就會滿就代表經血量異常大量，或是出現血塊等症狀，經期更要避免食用這類補品。

郭醫師的飲食法則

一定要吃早餐

維持均衡三餐
就算一整天工作很忙，還是會盡量維持早、中、晚三餐，定時定量吃飯。同時，蔬菜水果、五穀雜糧都有均衡補充。

額外補充保健食品
1、維生素D3
「醫師愛漂亮有過度防曬啦，」郭安妮醫師笑稱，因為自己出門防曬都做得比較足，所以會額外補充維生素D3。

2、私密處益生菌
導致免疫力降低時，私密處容易細菌感染、發炎，此時就會多補充相關的益生菌。

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#郭安妮 #動情素 #雌激素
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