今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
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[ 香港定格 ] Once Upon A Hong Kong by Donmak
新書發佈 及 原畫展
展覽期間將會發售 特別限量版, 原畫印本 及 一系列紀念品
日期:2020年 6月20日 至 7月5日
————————————————————
一千個人眼中有一千個香港。
這個城市包容又獨立,洋溢着自由而奮進的靈魂。
今天香港遊走在分岔路口,紛亂的言語指往不同的方向。
插畫師 麥震東 麥東記 donmak & co. 受捷克作家M.Sasek啟發,以畫筆記錄香港此刻的日常風景,讓小女兒看到這個城市此刻在他眼中的模樣;配合黑貓小姐的文字,留下給未來的話語。充滿生活氣息的畫面,帶來讓心靈安穩的節奏;
看那些尋常的當下,如何散發動人微光。
Inspired by Czech writer M. Sasek and accompanied by the words of Miss Black Cat, illustrator Don Mak has used his brushes to immortalise present Hong Kong as a legacy for his daughter in the future.
His paintings in ‘Once Upon a Hong Kong’ are powerful and reflective as they are full of character; making the everyday moments that he captures in the city a little less ordinary.
————————————————————
[ 香港定格 ]
新書發佈 及 原畫展
地點:Parallel Space 地面層
地址:九龍深水埗大南街202號
日期:2020年 6月20日 至 7月5日
時間 : 下午十二點至晚上七點
6月29日 星期一 休息 .
只接受現金及 Payme 付款, 敬請留意. 多謝支持.
[ Once Upon A Hong Kong ] Book Launch & Exhibition
Date // 20 June (SAT) — 5 July (SUN) 2020
Venue // Parallel Space
Address : Shop 202, Tai Nan Street,
Sham Shui Po, Kowloon, HK
Opening hour : 12 noon to 7pm
Closed on Monday 29 June
Limited edition of [ Once Upon A Hong Kong ]
with a series of merchandise and art print
will be on sales during the exhibition,
Only Accept Cash & PayMe for payment,
thanks for supporting
.
香港定格 - Once Upon A Hong Kong
published by Viction Viction
新書發佈 及 展覽 - Book Launch & Exhibition
co-presented by victionary with Parallel Space
———————————————————
關於作者及插畫師
麥震東 生於香港。
09年畢業於香港理工大學設計系之後,當上全職插畫師,並開設麥東記工作室。
喜歡以插畫記錄城市變化,
一六年辦了首個個展「香港轉角」
About Don Mak
Don Mak was born in Hong Kong. After graduating from Hong Kong
Polytechnic University School of Design in 2009, he has illustrated full-time ever since –
eventually founding his own studio. He enjoys documenting changes in the city through his work and held his first solo exhibition in 2016. 2016.
#donmak #donmakillustration
#victonary #victionviction
#artinhk #artbook
#parallelspacehk #ssphk
city university of hong kong address 在 作者 Facebook 的最佳貼文
澳洲總理莫里森下令徹查中共滲透政界一事,打蛇隨棍上,麻煩大家再推一次,致函澳洲議員促請國會通過人權法International Human Rights and Corruption (Magnitsky Sanctions) Bill制裁中共。今次鬧大的主要原因,是證據指明中共在澳洲殺叛諜:
//根據澳洲世紀報(The Age)報導,中國情報單位透過陳姓墨爾本商人(Brian Chen),給予澳洲自由黨黨員、墨爾本豪車經銷商趙博(音譯,Bo “Nick” Zhao)100萬澳幣,要他投入議會選舉,趙波1年前向「澳洲安全情報組織」(ASIO)坦承此事。然而,趙波今年3月在墨爾本一間旅店內離奇死亡,目前警方仍未查出趙波的死因。//
這個陳春生野心不小,他的任務是替中共入侵澳洲的藥業竊取機密。初創公司Imunexus在深圳的生物技術比賽中獲得亞軍後,陳春生及其香港公司Prospect Time就在2017年6月接觸這間公司,覬覦它正研發抗體,揭示中國所舉辦的創科大賽就是共諜揀蟀的實驗場。
陳春生先擲1000萬澳元收購股份,再答應提供幾億元研究資金,一間初創怎能不心動?但原來中共的目標不是Imunexus,而是看中這間公司在墨爾本Parkville的生物技術中心的CSIRO大樓設有實驗室,計劃借Imunexus的名義租用側翼整層,以便共諜暢行CSIRO的每一間公司予取予竊。
CSIRO在2013年曾被中國黑客竊取大批機密,花費數千萬澳元升級網絡安全系統,大大增加了中共再入侵的難度,因此陳春生的任務可謂「任重道遠」。然而,他一見澳洲的國安審查官員便露了底,英文爛透,要靠兩個翻譯幫手,而且講不出為甚麼要浪費那麼多錢收購,結果計劃告吹。
澳媒亦踢爆他曾在G20和APEC等政治峰會冒充國際媒體記者,傳媒亦是中共的主要滲透基地,新華社香港分部就是中聯辦的前身,而那些國安人員大多都報稱自己是記者和編輯,進行「聯絡」工作。在匪語,聯絡即是諜務。總部位於香港的中華報業集團官網顯示,陳春生是該公司的「14號新聞工作者」。陳春生之後收買澳洲華裔自由黨人李博,慫恿他競選墨爾本Chisholm區的國會議員。哪知李博年初向ASIO告發,踏上了死路,3月離奇倒斃在汽車旅館。
張曉明曾說:「你們能活着,已顯出中央的包容。」
《悉尼晨鋒報》指陳春生利用一帶一路作掩飾進行間諜工作,他的香港公司Prospect Time International Investments(德鴻國際投資有限公司)與中國兵器工業集團有來往,並做極多國際生意:
//2017年5月,陳春生與泰國前總理英祿、泰國前首相頌猜會面,並與多名政商人士討論合作。隨後,他又前往馬爾代夫,與該國副總統Abdulla Jihad討論一帶一路計劃。2017年7月底,陳春生帶領著一支精英團隊訪問了太平洋島國帕勞,商討價值1.5億澳元的酒店開發項目。2018年5月,他也在菲律賓宣傳基建項目。//
Prospect Time的聯席董事王振海,被指與中共統戰部有關聯,還大打高球外交:
//2018年,王振海被拍到在一場活動當中,向維州州長Daniel Andrews的高級顧問Marty Mei,授予中國商人高爾夫球協會會員資格。在那場活動當中,王振海還被墨爾本華商Tommy Jiang任命為澳洲國際高爾夫球協會主席。《悉尼晨鋒報》報導稱,Tommy Jiang被認為有中國共產黨的支持。//
我還查到這間德鴻國際,在去年12月5日新疆開設分部搞招聘,未知是否涉及關押維人的集中營,僅稱發展一帶一路。現在,澳洲政府已加入剿共,民間亦需要大家造勢,還請大家繼續出手,以香港合縱國際。
作者
以下為寄送澳洲議員陳情書範本:
Date
Your Name
Your Address
Your Suburb State Postcode
Name of MP
Office Address
Office Suburb State Postcode
Dear Sir/Madam
I am a constituent of your electorate. As an Australian and Hong Konger, I am writing to you as I hold grave concerns over the rapidly deteriorating conditions in Hong Kong.
Since the start of June, millions of Hong Konger have marched on the street and conducted largely peaceful demonstrations on many occasions to voice their opposition to the proposed The Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019 (known simply as the Extradition Bill) by the Hong Kong Government, which would establish an official extradition mechanism between Hong Kong and China for the first time in history.
The bill has been criticized by the Hong Kong Bar Association as “a step backward” and failing to offer sufficient protections for the accused. The majority of Hong Kong people are in uproar as they harbor deep mistrust towards the Chinese judicial system known for its corruption, disregard for procedural justice, and towing of the official party line.
Oblivious to the depth of animosity, Carrie Lam, the Chief Executive, and the Hong Kong Government ignored the protestors’ demands and ordered the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) to violently crackdown on the protestors. This is what led to the stunning and horrifying footages of police brutality — indiscriminate use of tear gas in crowded residential areas, aiming rubber bullets at the protestors’ face, violently shoving journalists who are just doing their jobs, and arresting seemingly innocent bystanders based on the colour of their clothing or age. To date, over 1200 people have been arrested with many denied the right to be accompanied by their lawyer for unreasonable period of time and subjected to questionable negotiation tactics during their detention.
As the legislative and executive arm of the Hong Kong government show its true allegiance to China and its willingness to sacrifice human rights over economic growth, the people of Hong Kong desperately need assistance from the international community.
What is happening in Hong Kong is of critical importance to Australia. There are currently 100,000 Australian dual citizens currently living in the city. Regardless of their political opinion on the ongoing situation, their safety is at risk due to the disproportionately excessive force and indiscriminate arrests that are being deployed by the HKPF to suppress the protest.
Hong Kong’s instability will negatively impact on Australia’s economy. Hong Kong is one of Australia’s most important trading partner and home to many Australian companies’ regional headquarter in Asia. It also acts as the middleman for many transactions between Chinese and Australian businesses.
The relationship between Hong Kong and Australia are intricate and mutually beneficial. Given the dire situation in Hong Kong, I would like you to consider to following measures to protect the people of Hong Kong, which would ultimately benefit Australia:
1.Introduce the International Human Rights and Corruption (Magnitsky Sanctions) Bill to the parliament. The previous attempt lapsed at the dissolution of parliament at April 11, 2019. The bill is based on precedents from the United States and the United Kingdom and it would give powers to relevant ministers to make Australia a safer place that values universal liberal values.
2.Include human rights protection clauses in the final ratified version of the Free Trade Agreement between Australia and Hong Kong.
3.Consider offering special permanent protection for people from Hong Kong who currently resides or studies in Australia. Many Hong Kongers are highly educated and value western liberal values. This group would be a fine addition to Australia.
4.Vet all visa and immigration applications from Hong Kong and China more thoroughly for the necessity of protecting the integrity of Australia’s national security as some applicants could have active contributed or complicit in the violation of human rights as part of the police force, HKSAR Government, or private companies (for example, Cathay Pacific’s management, which is terminating the contract of staffs whom have expressed sympathy or support towards the protest movement). Recent clashes on university campuses over the Hong Kong protests have also demonstrated that some foreign students neither understand nor value some basic rights we Australians cherish.
I appreciate your time and I look forward to hearing back from you about your position on my proposals.
Yours sincerely,
Your name
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