To Smash a Cracked Pot |Lee Yee
The national security honeymoon, the calm before the storm, is over. The sword of Damocles above our heads comes swinging down.
Against the professional recommendations of the Board of Education, the University of Hong Kong’s (HKU) governing council went with the majority’s decision and fired Benny Tai Yiu-ting, associate professor of the Faculty of Law. Certainly, no one would challenge Benny Tai’s comment that the decision to terminate his appointment was made by “an authority beyond the university through its agents”.
Three males and one female, aged between 16 and 21, were arrested on suspicion of “secession” in violation of the national security law. There was no action, only online speeches. Perhaps the few words by these teenagers are powerful enough to split a country of 1.4 billion people?
I had been pondering whether the Communists and their bootlickers would adopt the disqualification tactic or the postponement tactic in the upcoming Legislative Council election. The answer has been revealed that mass disqualifications would come first, and then a postponement may follow. Some said that the Communists are “braver” than I had predicted; but to borrow a young person’s words, which I find to be more suitable: rationality limits my imagination.
The three-part strike happened within a period of two days, putting an end to the honeymoon where the CCP had once sought dialogue, probed, soothed, and observed the global siege led by the United States. Now the CCP is addressing the US sanctions head-on while flexing its muscles by targeting Hongkongers.
This also illustrates that the attempt by the pan-democrats to navigate within the cavity of the national security law, to try to compromise on the confirmation letter to see a way out through election was an utter, complete failure. They could have followed my suggestion from a month ago, to run in the election with proud and loud opposition against the national security law, to welcome being disqualified and show the civilized world “what the CCP is plotting against Hong Kong”. That would have been more courageous. Yet some pushed their luck, and now they face the same fate of being disqualified.
CCP’s honeymoon period following the implementation of the national security law in Hong Kong was based on the assumption, by the CCP as well as other overseas observers, that Trump’s tough policy toward China was for his election campaign. Since the current projection of the election seems unfavorable to Trump, that there is hope for the Democrats to take over, and the US might change its policy toward China.
When the United States ordered the closure of the Chinese Consulate in Houston, and when the four top officials, especially Pompeo’s declaration of resistance to China, made it clear that the US ultra-cold war strategy towards China is unlikely to be reversible.
Stephen Young, a senior diplomat who had stationed in Beijing, Hong Kong, and Taipei, said that demanding other countries to close their consulates is a very drastic strategy. In the past, if a foreign diplomatic agency had a blunder, actions would usually have been taken against a person. The closures of the consulates suggest that the relationship is close to a break-up.
On July 25, the New York Times published the words of Ryan Hass, the President of the US National Security Council in the Obama era, that said, “They want to reorient the U.S.-China relationship toward an all-encompassing systemic rivalry that cannot be reversed by the outcome of the upcoming U.S. election. They believe this reorientation is needed to put the United States on a competitive footing against its 21st-century geostrategic rival.”
The two bills on Hong Kong, and the one on Xinjiang Uyghurs, were all passed almost unanimously in the US Senate and the House of Representatives. The Speaker of the House and Democrat, Pelosi, was particularly enthusiastic; left-wing media such as the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, though have been critical of Trump, have both affirmed and even encouraged Trump’s anti-China policy.
This has been a 180 from Trump’s previous declaration of “America First” when he did not hesitate to offend the United Kingdom, the European Union, and even Asia-Pacific countries. Pompeo has recently been chummy with Europe and the Asia-Pacific to ally up, and emphasized in his anti-CCP declaration the need for the free world to act together. In fact, Trump’s unilateralism has pivoted, and the allies have returned to their positions one after another, and a global siege towards China has gradually been formed.
Has China been in touch with the US Democratic Party in private to probe whether its China policy will change if it wins the general election? There is no way of knowing. Even if so, the answer is apparent.
The US policy toward China leaves no room for maneuver, and the power-hungry CCP must now hold tight onto the hastily enacted national security law till the end. The longer they hold out, who knows how many more Hong Kong officials or pro-Beijing people would be affected along the lines of Bernard Chan and his sanctioned foreign bank.
What the CCP and its Hong Kong bootlickers are doing could be described with the Chinese idiom “to smash a cracked pot”. The pot is already cracked, then just smash it. It means that there are blemishes, and mistakes that cannot be corrected or will not be correct, then why not send the helve after the hatchet.
Lu Xun said, “When the brave is angered, he draws the sword towards the stronger; when the coward is angered, he draws the sword towards the weaker.” Disqualifications coupled with the postponement, is it “braver”? Or rather, “the coward is angered”.
同時也有11部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅Pixel Start,也在其Youtube影片中提到,This video covers all games from 1998 to 2022 . What is your favourite Tom Clancy's Games 👉 Don't Forget : Like 👍 , Share 💌 , Comment 💬 history of ...
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【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
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[138241] 7041. 一騎當千:壹"Ikki Tousen" One - The Champions (2003)★★
[138242] 7042. 一騎當千:弐"Ikki Tousen" Two - Confrontation with the Big Four of Nanyo High! (2003)★
[138243] 7043. 一騎當千:参"Ikki Tousen" Three - My Virtue is in Danger! (2003)★★
[138244] 7044. 一騎當千:四"Ikki Tousen" Four - A Duel! Taishiji vs. Sonsaku (2003)★★
[138245] 7045. 一騎當千:伍"Ikki Tousen" Five - Get Angry, Hakufu! The School of Counterattack! (2003)★
[138246] 7046. 一騎當千:六"Ikki Tousen" Six - The Bloody Big Fighters Tournament! (2003)★★
[138247] 7047. 一騎當千:七"Ikki Tousen" Seven - The Fatal Confrontation! (2003)★✚
[138248] 7048. 一騎當千:八"Ikki Tousen" Eight - Goei's Betrayal! Why? (2003)★
[138249] 7049. 一騎當千:九"Ikki Tousen" Nine - Viva La Hot Spring! (2003)★
[138250] 7050. 一騎當千:拾"Ikki Tousen" Ten - The Sho Haou Encounters the Devil! (2003)★
[138251] 7051. 一騎當千:拾壹"Ikki Tousen" Eleven - Ryofu, Her Love and Death! (2003)★
[138252] 7052. 一騎當千:拾弐"Ikki Tousen" Twelve - Summer Comes to a Watermelon Field (2003)★
[138253] 7053. 一騎當千:拾参"Ikki Tousen" Thirteen - Good-bye Hakufu! The Battle Days! (2003)★
[138254] 7054. 一騎當千:龍魂胎動"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Signs of the Dragon Spirit (2007)★★
[138255] 7055. 一騎當千:魔王覺醒"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" The Evil Lord Awakens (2007)★★
[138256] 7056. 一騎當千:流血落淚"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Bloodshed and Tears (2007)★★
[138257] 7057. 一騎當千:二龍邂逅"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Chance Meeting of the Two Dragons (2007)★
[138258] 7058. 一騎當千:鬥士無慘"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Ruthless Fighters (2007)★
[138259] 7059. 一騎當千:逢遇臥龍"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Encounter with the Crouching Dragon (2007)★
[138260] 7060. 一騎當千:關羽投降"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Kanu Surrenders (2007)★
[138261] 7061. 一騎當千:小霸王陣亡"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" The Little Conqueror's Heroic Death (2007)★
[138262] 7062. 一騎當千:友義滅裂"Ikki Touse: Dragon Destinyn" Friendships in Chaos (2007)★
[138263] 7063. 一騎當千:公瑾流轉"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" The Wandering Koukin (2007)★
[138264] 7064. 一騎當千:鬥士亂戰"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Fighter Melee (2007)★
[138265] 7065. 一騎當千:火燒赤壁"Ikki Tousen: Dragon Destiny" Red Cliffs in Flames (2007)★
[138266] 7066. 一騎當千:兵者,國之大事"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" War is of Vital Importance to the State (2008)★
[138267] 7067. 一騎當千:兵不厭詐"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" All Warfare is Based on Deception (2008)★
[138268] 7068. 一騎當千:死者不可以復生"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Nor Can the Dead Be Brought Back to Life (2008)★
[138269] 7069. 一騎當千:視卒如嬰"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Regard Soldiers as Your Children (2008)★★
[138270] 7070. 一騎當千:非危不戰"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Do Not Fight Unless It Is Critical (2008)★
[138271] 7071. 一騎當千:以上智為間者"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Intelligence Makes Great Spies (2008)★
[138272] 7072. 一騎當千:始如處女"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" At First, Like a Virgin (2008)★
[138273] 7073. 一騎當千:致人而不致於人"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Do Unto Others, Do Not Let Them Do Unto You (2008)★∿
[138274] 7074. 一騎當千:多算勝,少算不勝"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" The Bigger Odds Wins, the Smaller Odds Loses (2008)★
[138275] 7075. 一騎當千:上兵伐謀"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Strike the Enemy's Plan (2008)★
[138276] 7076. 一騎當千:先奪其所愛"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Start by Taking Away the Ones They Love (2008)★
[138277] 7077. 一騎當千:我專為一"Ikki Tousen: Great Guardians" Coming Together (2008)★
[138278] 7078. 一騎當千:淋濕的鬥士"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Wet Fighter (2010)★
[138279] 7079. 一騎當千:夥伴集合"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Gathering Allies (2010)★
[138280] 7080. 一騎當千:鍛鍊獅子"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Lion in Training (2010)★
[138281] 7081. 一騎當千:招來惡魔"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" The Devil Beckons (2010)★
[138282] 7082. 一騎當千:魂之絆"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Bonds of the Soul (2010)★
[138283] 7083. 一騎當千:聚集的利齒"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Swarming Fangs (2010)★
[138284] 7084. 一騎當千:沉默之淚"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Silent Tears (2010)★
[138285] 7085. 一騎當千:以拳再會"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Reunion of the Fists (2010)★
[138286] 7086. 一騎當千:憤怒的愛"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Angry Love (2010)★
[138287] 7087. 一騎當千:打破黑暗"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Shredded Darkness (2010)★
[138288] 7088. 一騎當千:燃燒之城"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Fiery Castle (2010)★
[138289] 7089. 一騎當千:未來無限"Ikki Tousen: Xtreme Xecutor" Future: Unlimited (2010)★
[138290] 7090. The Who: Quadrophenia (1973)★★★
critical strike 在 Pixel Start Youtube 的精選貼文
This video covers all games from 1998 to 2022 .
What is your favourite Tom Clancy's Games
👉 Don't Forget : Like 👍 , Share 💌 , Comment 💬
history of tom clancy games
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six 1998
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Rogue Spear Pc
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon 2001
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell 2002
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Desert Siege 2002
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six 3: Raven Shield 2003
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon 2 2004
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell: Pandora Tomorrow 2004
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Jungle Storm 2004
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Lockdown 2005
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon 2: Summit Strike 2005
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell Chaos Theory 2005
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Critical Hour 2006
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six: Vegas 2006
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Advanced Warfighter 2006
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Advanced Warfighter 2 2007
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Vegas 2 2008
Tom Clancy's H.A.W.X 2009
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Predator 2010
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon 2010
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell: Conviction 2010
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Shadow Vanguard 2011
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon: Shadow Wars 2011
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Future Soldie 2012
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell: Blacklist 2013
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Phantoms 2014
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Siege 2015
Tom Clancy's The Division 2016
Tom Clancy's Ghost Recon Wildlands 2017
Tom Clancy's The Division 2 2019
Tom Clancy's XDEFIANT 2021
Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six: Extraction
![post-title](https://i.ytimg.com/vi/QNqhkYZsOMk/hqdefault.jpg)
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今集主要講下點樣用超平既價格去為你既裝備附魔
同時都會講下有D咩附魔係唔可以附上,例如尖刺,燃燒及擊退等
==========================================
以下為所有武器的附魔效果(資料來自Hypixel forum: "[GUIDE] Skyblock Enchantments",經TD叔翻譯):
附魔效果的第一個括號是指[最高附魔等級],第二個括號是指[最低附魔成本],以下為例子:
Sharpness [V][40] - 即是指Sharpness最高的附魔等級為LV.5,最低附魔成本是40經驗等級
SkyBlock劍效果:
Cleave [V][44]: 對目標怪物4.5格範圍內的鄰近怪物造成你攻擊力的一部分傷害
Critical [V][44]: 增加你的暴擊傷害
Cubism [V][44]: 增加對Magma Cubes, Slimes, Creepers的傷害
Ender Slayer [V][52]: 增加對Endermen及Ender dragons的傷害
Execute [V][38]: 你的傷害會根據目標怪物已失去的生命值而提高
Experience [III][24]: 增加怪物掉落雙倍經驗的機率
First Strike [IV][24]: 增加對怪物的第一擊傷害
Giant Killer [V][40]: 你的傷害會根據怪物比你多出的血量而提高
Impaling [III][32]: 增加對Squids及Guardians的傷害
Lethality [V][44]: 每當攻擊時可減少目標怪物的防禦值持續8秒,效果最多可疊加5層
Life Steal [III][36]: 你的血量會根據你的攻擊傷害而回復
Luck [V][40]: 增加怪物的裝備掉落率
Scavenger [III][19]: 增加怪物的金錢掉落量
Thunderlord [V][19]: 每連續3次攻擊怪物時,會產生雷擊
Telekinesis [1]: 直接獲取怪物掉落的物品到你的背包
Vampirism [V][40]: 當殺死怪物時,你的血量會根據已失去的血量值而回復
Venomous [V][44]: 持續減少怪物的行動速度及血量
基本劍效果:
Bane of Arthropods [V][32]: 增加對Spiders, Silverfish,Cave Spiders的傷害
Fire Aspect [II][24]: 持續燃燒目標怪物
Looting [III][28]: 增加怪物掉落物品的數量
Knockback [II][20]: 增加對目標怪物的擊退力
Sharpness [V][40]: 增加對所有怪物的整體傷害
Smite [V][32]: 增加對Withers, Skeletons, Zombies,Zombie Pigmen的傷害
注意: Bane of Anthropods, Sharpness, Smite不能並存在同一把劍上
SkyBlock弓效果:
Aiming [V][48]: 射出的箭會追蹤鄰近的敵人
Cubism [V][48]: 增加對Magma Cubes, Slimes, Creepers的傷害
Dragon Hunter [V]: 增加對Ender及Dragons的傷害 (只可從商店購入)
Impaling [III][32]: 增加對Squids Guardians的傷害
Infinite Quiver [V][44]: 射箭時有機率不會消耗弓箭
Piercing [24]: 射出的箭會穿透敵人,已穿透的箭只能對其他怪物造成部分傷害
Snipe [III][24]: 當目標怪物愈遠時,射出的箭會對其造成愈多傷害
Telekinesis [1]: 直接獲取怪物掉落的物品到你的背包
基本弓效果:
Flame [19]: 射出的箭會燃燒怪物
Power [V][36]: 增加弓箭對所有怪物的傷害
Punch [II][28]: 增加箭的擊退力
注意: 有部分LV.6的附魔書可以到黑市拍賣
(其他附魔效果可到Hypixel forum: "[GUIDE] Skyblock Enchantments"了解)
==========================================
以下為補充內容,請留意!!
以下為補充內容,請留意!!
以下為補充內容,請留意!!
==========================================
注意: Cleave效果似乎已經改善左,可以食埋其他附魔效果
但我個人覺得佢都係一個可有可無既附魔...
另外,我搵到另一個好有效既附魔方法,用呢個方法可以用合成書本既形式去打造出片中所提到既15個附魔(不計Telekinesis)
首先你要係合成台上為每款附魔效果合出兩本附魔書(合出黎既附魔書唔會係最高等級,所以要合兩次),再將同款附魔書合二為一,然後要按以下次序合成書本及劍:
[1]: Ender Slayer + Sharpness (需12lv)
[2]: Cubism + [1] (需33lv)
[3]: 劍 + [2] (需48lv)
[4]: Execute + Lethality (需12lv)
[5]: Looting + [4] (需25lv)
[6]: Scavenger + [5] (需34lv)
[7]:劍 + [6] (需43lv)
[8]: Vampirism + Giant Killer (需12lv)
[9]: Experience + [8] (需25lv)
[10]: Impaling + [9] (需34lv)
[11]: 劍 + [10] (需43lv)
[12]: Critical + Luck (需12lv)
[13]: First Strike +Life Steal (需9lv)
[14]: [12] + [13] (需21lv)
[15]: 劍 + [14] (需48lv)
當然,你將上面既方法同我條片既方法合併就可能會再平少少(視乎有冇不必要既附魔存在係本書上,例如Protection/Power)
資料來源: https://twitter.com/osu_yom/status/1176389083012034560
多謝觀眾Brian Chung提供資訊!
==========================================
請睇片數次
►【天空領域 SkyBlock】播放清單:
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