關於 social issue related to media ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Hate speech is comprises of abusive threatening speech or writing that expresses hate, prejudice or encourage violence against particular groups. With freedom of speech and social media channel, feelings and opinions fuel with hatred are being thrown liberally in the internet without taking sensitivity of the audience onto account. More often than not, this causes disharmony in society and worst, harm towads the victims.

In this week #SundayNightWithAH, I am proud to bring our new guest, Dr Murni Wan Mohd Nor, an expert with approximately 10 years of experience researching the issue of hate speech. Dr Murni also has held several consultancies on human rights and hate-speech related projects , most recently for The Centre's research on Developing a Framework for Hate Speech Categorisation and Response, as well as for UNDP on the impact of hate speech and misrepresentation in relation to Covid-19 on social cohesion.

Join me and Dr Murni as we both dive deeper to discuss about tackling hate speech on social media. Catch us LIVE on Instagram @ainiehaziqah & @murni.wanmohdnor at 8.30 p.m this Sunday, 13 Dec 2020.

See you there!

在別人的國家不單不好好學習如何做一個文明人，更把文革批鬥教師之惡行帶到別國的大學。終國人大量出國留學廿年，行為卻愈來愈倒退，愈來愈惡劣和無恥，這是人類文明的毒瘤。

//WeChat student group boasts of targeting academics critical of Beijing

The same Chinese-language WeChat group using the “power of the masses” to co-ordinate complaints against academics in a bid to overturn failed grades is behind campaigns against lecturers and researchers critical of Beijing.

The highest-profile target of the Sydney International Student Help Group is Elaine Pearson, a law lecturer at UNSW who had comments critical of China’s human rights record removed from the university’s website.

The Weekend Australian on Saturday revealed the SISHG was using private WeChat channels to bombard academics with complaints in an attempt to overturn the failed grades of hundreds of international students...

...Ms Pearson’s comments — in which she urged countries to “call out the Chinese government for what they are doing” to Hong Kong — were removed from the UNSW website in August, following a Chinese students backlash.

The university also added the extraordinary disclaimer to Ms Pearson’s comments posted to social media, noting “opinions expressed by our academics do not always represent the views of UNSW”. The comments were reinstated following anger from the sector, human rights organisations and the government.

A search of WeChat shows SISHG accounts were some of the first to demand UNSW remove the comments and social media posts, including one that called for the university to “seriously deal with” academic staff.

“Hope school will seriously ‘deal with’ the personnel related to this issue, to provide all Chinese overseas students an explanation,” the post from one of SISHG’s staff account — known as “UNSW President Big Boss” — read.

Other posts, now removed but reviewed by The Australian, show other SISHG posts read: “Spread it widely! Unfollow their account, resist UNSW official twitter account! Completely not considering Chinese students’ feelings?”

“Extra Extra New! Just in, UNSW official twitter released a news that exploded on Chinese overseas students’ WeChat moments,” another post, on the WeChat platform, reads.

Drew Pavlou, a former University of Queensland student known for his criticisms of the Chinese government, said he had been the victim of a similar co-ordinated campaign. “In my case, it was just within a couple hours that they were able to mobilise hundreds of different accounts to attack me across all my social media,” he said...//
#antichinazi

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

So it’s been a month since I have reviewed the POCO F3 5G and while there were a lot of great comments, there were lots of complaints as well. So yes, in this video I will be giving you my review of the POCO F3 after a month and I will answer all of your complaints about the phone.

If you find this video helpful and would love to watch more, you can SUBSCRIBE here:
https://bit.ly/2HqeKrW
​
Timecode:
00:00 - Intro
00:42 - Build Quality
01:49 - Display
03:02 - Cameras
03:53 - Sound Quality
04:10 - Navigation
05:39 - Battery
06:00 - Gaming
07:26 - Conclusion
08:10 - Q&A

Get the POCO F3 5G At The Link Below:-
https://rebrand.ly/adampocof3april

*The early bird sales period is finally here, but numbers are limited, so hurry up and get your own POCO F3 for only RM1,399 now!*

​
??‍?My Desk Setup 2020
https://youtu.be/xK1QUClu-V0​
​
Check out my other videos about POCO:
POCO F3 5G - https://youtu.be/qlz_kV6TkKA (incl. sample photos & videos)
POCO M3 - https://youtu.be/h4JfV2vya4s
POCO F2 Pro - https://youtu.be/o9cn53LieKQ
Xiaomi Pocophone F1 - https://youtu.be/Bwxwr_coYdM

Or check out my entire PHONE REVIEWS playlist!
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list...​

---

ABOUT ME:

Hey you! Thanks for checking out Adam Lobo TV on YouTube!
My name is Adam Lobo, I'm a Tech YouTuber from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, who creates high-quality tech reviews on YouTube, Instagram & Facebook and I am currently the only Malaysian Tech YouTuber who produces 6K Resolution content.

My passion is to help everyone to make a purchase decision with all the tech items I get my hands on, where you'll find weekly smartphones, tablets, audio, smart home and other cool tech related videos as well. I produce these videos at least twice a week so do consider subscribing to my channel.

Find me at these Social Media platforms:
YouTube (Adam Lobo TV) - https://www.youtube.com/c/adamlobotv/​
Facebook (Adam Lobo TV) - https://www.facebook.com/adamlobotv/
​Instagram (@adamlob0) - https://www.instagram.com/adamlob0/
​Twitter (@adam_lob0) - https://twitter.com/adam_lobo
​Website (Adam Lobo TV) - https://adamlobo.tv/
​

#adamlobotv #poco #pocof35g

Hi Everyone, This week everyday I am going to do daily Vlogs and also try to do usual makeup/beauty/DIY related videos in Vlog style. I am collaborating with these wonderful YouTubers below so please make sure you check out their channel as well. We have taken this up as challenge and I hope you enjoy watching these Vlogs as much as we are bringing this you. Suggestions welcome :)

YouTubers who I am collaborating with:
----------------------------------------------------------------

Smaraki Samantaroy
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCnM_girYWuXXLtTPYX743CQ

Dimple D'Souza
https://www.youtube.com/user/ALLABOUTYOURBODY

Jo's Beauty Spot
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCfWsopyI1eJzehHoIGKAUEQ

My Travel Vlog Playlist:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLt4qvLlyhxPwKJ2ivv0CIFMjvHeEH18wJ

*Apologise for the flickering noise in between, my phone has some issue* sigh*


Thank you so much for watching this video.

Don't forget to hit like and SUBSCRIBE to my channel for more such videos.

My Blogs ?
-----------------------------------------------------
http://infinitereflections.net/
http://patternedpapersandme.com/


Follow Me on Social Media ?
-----------------------------------------------------
Facebook :- InfiniteReflectionsByAntariksha (url)
Pinterest :- antarikshadas
Instagram :- antarikshadas
Twitter :- AntarikshaPhadnis@PatternedPapers
------------------------------------------------------

For Business enquires/Collabs, please drop me an email at
[email protected]

XOXO
Antariksha

Hi Everyone, This week everyday I am going to do daily Vlogs and also try to do usual makeup/beauty/DIY related videos in Vlog style. I am collaborating with these wonderful YouTubers below so please make sure you check out their channel as well. We have taken this up as challenge and I hope you enjoy watching these Vlogs as much as we are bringing this you. Suggestions welcome :)

YouTubers who I am collaborating with:
----------------------------------------------------------------

Smaraki Samantaroy
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCnM_girYWuXXLtTPYX743CQ

Dimple D'Souza
https://www.youtube.com/user/ALLABOUTYOURBODY

Jo's Beauty Spot
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCfWsopyI1eJzehHoIGKAUEQ

My Travel Vlog Playlist:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLt4qvLlyhxPwKJ2ivv0CIFMjvHeEH18wJ

*Apologise for the flickering noise in between, my phone has some issue* sigh*

Thank you so much for watching this video.

Don't forget to hit like and SUBSCRIBE to my channel for more such videos.

My Blogs ?
-----------------------------------------------------
http://infinitereflections.net/
http://patternedpapersandme.com/


Follow Me on Social Media ?
-----------------------------------------------------
Facebook :- InfiniteReflectionsByAntariksha (url)
Pinterest :- antarikshadas
Instagram :- antarikshadas
Twitter :- AntarikshaPhadnis@PatternedPapers
------------------------------------------------------

For Business enquires/Collabs, please drop me an email at
[email protected]

XOXO
Antariksha