今天來分享這本《高效人生的清單整理術:一張清單做完所有事,工作、生活、理財通通搞定》
以下是我為這本書所寫的推薦序:
靠清單寫出你的生活質感
在現代忙碌的社會中,很多人為了工作,常常花大量時間在做緊急卻不重要的事,而對於人生中不緊急但重要的事,卻忙得沒有時間去做。不僅如此,還為了處理瑣碎小事而搞得心情煩燥。對於這樣的朋友,身為清單控的我,一定要大力推薦這本《高效人生的清單整理術》給想要把生活過得井然有序的人。
我平時主要的工作是,專門處理煩雜瑣碎小事的行政助理,再加上斜槓的演講工作,以及下班後的進修,每天面對這麼多的事,要怎麼不慌不忙井然有序地處理完畢,全都是靠清單的幫忙。擅用清單這個工具,我每天列出待辦事項及行程,依序逐一進行,做完便在確認方格內打勾。如此一來,便能輕易地完成事情,大腦更能聚焦於思考重要的事情上。
清單不只能理性地應用在工作方面,也可以發揮感性的一面,例如:把和朋友聊過的話題列成友誼清單;把平時獲得的資訊或是體驗過的感受列成清單;把生活中值得感謝的事列成清單等等。藉著書寫清單的過程,可以感受到自己心境的改變,也算是一種療癒心靈的過程。
誠如作者在書中所說,列清單有很多好處,例如:最常用到的待辦事情清單或打包行李清單等等,可以防止忘東忘西、把力氣和精神用來做事、不用特別記事而是將注意力放在真正重要的事情上面、養成專注大局的做事習慣、在完成工作後畫掉清單時,可以減輕焦慮增加成就感⋯⋯,好處這麼多,怎麼能不好好利用呢。
當然囉,清單不只是用紙筆手寫,拜科技所賜,現在也有手機APP可以使用,符合現代人的生活習慣。養成平時沒事寫清單的習慣,從清單中找到你想要的生活方式,拿回生活主控權。
https://www.books.com.tw/products/0010894775?sloc=main
同時也有7部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過7萬的網紅FABIO GRANGEON 法比歐,也在其Youtube影片中提到,INSTAGRAM ➤ https://www.instagram.com/fabiograngeon FACEBOOK ➤ https://www.facebook.com/fabiograngeonofficiel TIKTOK ➤ https://www.tiktok.com/@fabi...
be productive中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
be productive中文 在 FABIO GRANGEON 法比歐 Youtube 的最佳解答
INSTAGRAM ➤ https://www.instagram.com/fabiograngeon
FACEBOOK ➤ https://www.facebook.com/fabiograngeonofficiel
TIKTOK ➤ https://www.tiktok.com/@fabiograngeon
Please subscribe to support my channel !
請大家訂閱為了支持我的頻道 !
///
* 中文:
大家好。
現在,社交媒體已成為我們日常生活中不可缺少的一部分;但 我們該如何多利用社交媒體提升更多的創造力,想像力,啟發力呢?
在今天的影片中,我將與大家分享我是如何使用Instagram創造我自己獨有的“理想實踐板”以及“感恩板”,隨時提醒我,在忙碌的生活中放慢腳步,並回頭看看感激我今天努力所得的成就。
希望你們喜歡這個影片!
請大家來支持我的頻道, 別忘記按讚,訂閱 與 分享! 謝謝你們🙏
* English:
Hi everyone!
Nowadays social medias are part of our everyday life. We should all find a way to use them in a creative, productive or inspirational way.
In today’s video I’m sharing with you guys how I use my Instagram to create a “vision board” to create manifestation and “a thankful board” to remind me to slow down, look back and be thankful for my achievements.
Hope you guys enjoy the video, please don't forget to give a LIKE or COMMENT to help with the algorithm and SUBSCRIBE to support me !
Lots of love to you all :)
Thanks for being here on my journey.
///
Production ➤ Fabio GRANGEON
Filming & Editing by ➤ https://www.instagram.com/dostudio19/
#fabiograngeon #fabio #法比歐
be productive中文 在 BonTime Bonnie Youtube 的最佳貼文
? ?????? ???? #8
其實那個星期我還去了
摘藍莓 哈哈!
不過影片太長了 ?
下個星期再跟大家分享吧!
星期一我們一起在PODCAST見
現SPOTIFY和APPLE PODCAST都可以聽了~~
YAY!!
第一集我們看完整個步驟運作到精華策略
基本上是完成了前言和第一篇 哈哈!
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成長的聲音
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⭐️每個人的生活習慣 感受 都不一樣 歡迎大家留下自己的意見
但是請互相尊重 不要強加意見感受到其他人身上
因為我們都是獨一無二 有著不同喜好的人⭐️
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⭐️This video is not sponsored. Some of the links are affiliated. 這不是合作影片, 說明欄裡包含分潤連結
be productive中文 在 BonTime Bonnie Youtube 的最佳解答
早起挑戰第30天
終於完成啦!!!
這個是我正在做的挑戰
一起加油呀!!
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5 Min Warm Up Routine | Effective Warm Up Before ANY Workout ?
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⭐️ 如果影片還沒有英文字幕 請幫幫我 協助添加字幕~謝謝!shorturl.at/vAEFT⭐️
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Extra 5% off on first purchase, Extra 2%off future order
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https://www.epidemicsound.com/referral/n49ktz/
⭐️每個人的生活習慣 感受 都不一樣 歡迎大家留下自己的意見
但是請互相尊重 不要強加意見感受到其他人身上
因為我們都是獨一無二 有著不同喜好的人⭐️
?????ℝ??
#溫哥華/加拿大/溫哥華必吃/溫哥華必去/溫哥華必玩/溫哥華必知/溫哥華留學/溫哥華移民/溫哥華美食/溫哥華旅遊/加拿大旅遊/#加拿大生活/溫哥華生活/Canada/#Vancouver/香港/美妝/開箱/#香港女生在溫哥華/ #AfternoonWalkWithMe
⭐️This video is not sponsored. Some of the links are affiliated. 這不是合作影片, 說明欄裡包含分潤連結
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