【#蕭叔叔的語言偽術課】
如何屌9人「指白為黑」而不得罪老細
We regret the US decision to require all products made in Hong Kong to be labelled “Made in China”.
Such labels, while factually and geopolitically accurate (after all Hong Kong IS a part of China), are not indicative of the differences in manufacturing practices, customs, and legal requirements.
This is not, I must stress, a matter of us distancing ourselves from mainland China - the excellent quality of Chinese products is well known across the world and is something that Hong Kong aspires to. But it is with a view to honest communication and helping our trading partners make informed decisions, that we insist Hong Kong products be labelled “Made in Hong Kong”.
抽水叔叔
#只談語言不論政治
#請自行配上蕭叔的chok聲
#求翻譯成見得人的中文
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅Here's Aura,也在其Youtube影片中提到,基礎就從第一集開始吧哈哈哈 ⭐︎相關影片⭐︎ 澳洲打工, 留學需知的英文差異: Australian English vs. American English https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1LCIjuuKoy4&t=10s 【澳洲英文】是什麼? |【澳洲人】的懶...
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- 關於chinese customs中文 在 Here's Aura Youtube 的精選貼文
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chinese customs中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
chinese customs中文 在 國發會 Facebook 的最佳解答
【🎫Meet An Employment Gold Card Holder✨: Tom Fifield (Science &Technology) 】
📣To let more foreigners know about the benefits of the employment gold card policy, the National Development Council specially invited the cardholders in different fields to share their experience of applying for employment gold cards and the feeling of working and living in Taiwan. Now let's listen to the first sharer, who is cultured and humble, the science & technology field card holder, Tom Fifield from Australia.
為了讓更多外國人瞭解就業金卡政策的好處,國發會特別邀請了不同領域的持卡人現身說法,分享他們申請就業金卡的經驗以及來臺灣工作及生活的感想,現在就讓我們聽聽第一位,超有氣質的澳洲籍科技領域持卡人田記禮怎麼說吧!
📍中文字幕版影片在這↓ Chinese subtitle video is here↓
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHXLsaLXtv0
📍英文字幕版影片在這↓ English subtitle video is here↓
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dGy5VZY8MHc
📣In order to attract the special professionals in eight fields – namely: science & technology, the economy, culture & the arts, education, sports, finance, law, and architectural design, we have introduced the issuance of four-in-one Employment Gold Cards (work permit, resident visa, Alien Resident Certificate and re-entry permit). The four-in-one personalized work permit offers cardholders the benefits including speedy customs clearance, more convenient to transfer work or seek jobs, tax concessions, easing of provisions concerning stay or residence of their parents, spouses, and children, and so on.
就業金卡是我國為吸引科技、經濟、文化藝術、教育、體育、金融、法律及建築設計等八大領域之特定專業人才所推動之四證合一(工作許可、居留簽證、外僑居留證及重入國許可)個人化工作許可,持卡人可以享有包括快速通關、自由工作、租稅優惠、尊親屬長期探親、配偶及未成年子女依親居留等諸多優惠!
chinese customs中文 在 Here's Aura Youtube 的精選貼文
基礎就從第一集開始吧哈哈哈
⭐︎相關影片⭐︎
澳洲打工, 留學需知的英文差異: Australian English vs. American English
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1LCIjuuKoy4&t=10s
【澳洲英文】是什麼? |【澳洲人】的懶舌頭 難怪我聽不懂你們的英文|【澳洲打工度假】|改變工作室|柏格
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9q0BDfYNgGE
旅行英文#1【機場篇】順利過海關的八句實用句型 |Qs & As when you go through customs
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iwUbV7ZMjiY
♦︎Aura 熱門影片♦︎
台灣中文vs馬來西亞華語vs大陸普通話|Taiwan v.s China v.s Malaysia Chinese|台湾中国語 v.s 中国中国語 v.s マレーシア華語
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hJ6C03OT7sw
【什麼?】韓國人剪燙頭髮居然跟台灣不一樣?What does Korean do when they cut the hair?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8QrZuwoS2wg
什麼?居然有一種水果叫做巧克力布丁?| chocolate pudding fruit | Black Sapote
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J9QM8_K4K4M
【 澳洲女生絕對不會做的三件事 】 3 things Aussie girls would NEVER do
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z4aNYqQs46Y
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