關於 continually意思 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Errázuriz，很不智利但很傑出的智利酒】

之前在寫Errázuriz時我就持此意見，再來一次我還是矢志不移。市場對智利酒的看法或評論都可以忽略不計，Errázuriz的高階款的世界觀已然超脫，重要的是釀造哲學在四十年前沒人聽說過智利葡萄酒的年代就已確定！事後諸葛人人會，但先知的寂寞與等待常常都是人們看不見的。

本日最有趣：
Errázuriz, Don Maximiano Founder's Reserve 1983
12.5%, 5-7 mons in rauli oak, recork, 100% CS

首發年份，32年後仍不顯老態！生長季創下當地高溫歷史紀錄，因而提早採收，酒精度出奇的低（口感是中低酒精度沒錯，12.5%應該不是誤植），整體輕盈均衡。不說的話我會猜1996年左岸高比例CS的Margaux區名莊。這款酒不管是葡萄品種使用方式或是釀造手法都很不波爾多（你聽過rauli oak嗎？），想當然爾不是主流風味的呈現（12.5% alc的Cab，酒體與桶味都不重，完全可以猜想某些酒評家的反應），但非常有態度，我挺喜歡。這是青澀青春的達文西油畫【受胎告知】，構圖簡潔，細節精工雕琢，概念完整不失，且可永世流傳。（Francisco不好意思，我知道1983不是你釀的。）

至於親愛的Francisco，今天最喜歡你的Don Maximiano Founder's Reserve 2017。現代波爾多左岸級數酒風格，潔淨、明確。整體而言偏向濃郁集中而奢華，但不會很刻意，有光彩，但不刺眼，起承轉合意隨心轉，讓人輕易耽溺。這是倫敦現場的Les Miserables，燈光音響與劇情唱工行雲流水，樂趣盎然。

還想看我囉嗦品飲筆記的請往下：

Errázuriz, Don Maximiano Founder's Reserve 1983
Medium bright ruby color with a slightly tawny rim. Very delicate and fine, together and vivid. Very charming Margaux. Lovely polish. Fine and smooth tannins there continually on the finish. Surprising fresh. Abundance in acidity. Now~2028

Errázuriz, Don Maximiano Founder's Reserve 2017
A classically styled wine. Controlled and clean in oak, polished and delicate. Classy Bordelais profile. Complex nose, fresh black cherry, forest floor and wood. Perfect balance. Now~2032

感謝星坊邀請
#Errázuriz

【專題訪問 Interview Feature】2019年度香港大學學生會周年大選中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲訪問（外務篇） | Interview with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union of Annual Election 2019 (External Affairs)

(Please scroll down for English version.)

中央幹事會候選內閣蒼傲就外務議題接受本台訪問，就不同外務議題立場，包括不反對政府取締民族黨的原因、相信政府DQ議員合法的理據、初一事件有黑幫介入的看法、及對法律制度有信心的理由等發表意見。

訪問節錄如下：

1. 你們的政治光譜/政治立場是甚麼？
我們認為用現有的名詞並不能表達我們莊的政治立場，因為例如本土、港獨等，第一他們並沒有清晰的界定，或是社會一致的定義，我們都認為不論是政治光譜或是政治立場我們作為香港人或是香港接受教育的人，其實我們的立場都會傾向由香港出發。但由香港出發去考慮香港利益時，我們都要考慮時間軸。時間軸的意思是，我們到底在考慮短期還是長期的利益。加上香港的地理位置、經濟結構其實都十分依賴世界上大部份的國家，不論金融、出口產業，所以在考慮香港利益同時，我們都應考慮鄰近國家的政策、議案的推出。所以如果要用幾個字去形容我們的政治立場，我們會選擇「國際視野，本土出發」八個字。前者是考想利益的角度,後者是執行的角度。

2. 你們是否支持香港獨立？
首先我們認為它可以被自由地討論，特別是在大學之內。至於是否贊成香港獨立方面，港獨並非香港現時可執行最好的決策，因為尚有很多的選擇可加以考慮及討論。另外我認為香港內部的問題都非常嚴峻，例如我們在政綱小册子上提到的外務議題，如學生自殺、高樓價、創新科技嚴重落後等問題。這些都是我們內部必須解決和面對的問題，所以我們會將那些內部問題列為最優先需要處理的問題。

3. 你們覺得香港獨立是否合法？
我們認為任何符合法例的討論都是可被接受的，所以我們認為只要某個人或團體在現時完善的法律制度下，加上沒有違反法律，就應可就不同議題提出想法。

4. 你們是否同意香港政府取締香港民族黨？
首先我們相信香港的法治仍然相當完善，所以就香港一套完整司法制度體系下做出的判決，我們並沒有太多質疑或反對。對於民族黨被政府取締或禁止，社會上有不同聲音，但我們相信我們應遵守絕大部分香港市民都認同是完善的法律體系下作出的任何決策。

5. 你們是否同意香港政府DQ議員？
其實我們由始至終都相信，而坊間一些調查機構都指出香港的法治制度在世界上都名列前茅，所以我們相信這套法治制度可以帶來公平的審訊，所以對於有部分議員被DQ，我們願意相信整個判決過程是公平的，並且有足夠理據去支持政府所作的判決，所以我們對這件事沒有任何特別意見。

6. 你們是否支持人大釋法？
每一個法律的訂立，其實都是由一小部分的精英去開始建構框架，然後隨社會的進步不斷完善。所以法律並非一本已經印刷好的書，而是容許我們不斷修改、去完善，就一些前人的不足作補完。人大釋法亦都如是，我相信重點是我們希望這法列在微調後能得到愈來愈多香港人的支持，這才是一個成功的新詮釋。

7. 你們是否同意一國兩制？
我們支持所有在香港回歸時所簽訂的條文，其中當然包括一國兩制。

8. 你們是否支持國歌法和23條立法？
因為爭議聲非常之多，所以我們不希望對任何未實施或未明文規定的法例作出過多評論。這是對該法案有所偏頗，該法案到最後還有很多相議的空間，所以我們認為政府應充分考慮各種聲音，從而推出一條為大部分港人所接受的法例。

9. 你們對違法達義有何看法？
香港作為擁有完善法律的城市，任何人都有表達訴求或是行動的權利。我們主張每人都有自由去決定自己的事、想表達的聲音，但每人都應為這些行為勇敢承擔相認的法律責任。當然我們更相信這套法律體系是完善和公平的。

10. 你們對初一事件有何看法？
對旺角騷動，很多報紙傳媒都報道了有不法份子甚至黑社會的介入，所以旺角騷動的那一批示威者是否單純為表達而表達的市民呢？

11. 你們是否同意政府以暴動罪控告參與者？
就對這幾名人士進行拘捕的行為，我們希望香港政府有真憑實據去支持，以及整個審訊過程認該要公平。我希望他們得到公平的審訊。

Campus TV has interviewed with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union, Session 2019, with regards to their treatment of external affairs. Prism has expressed their stance and opinions on various external issues, which include: their not opposing the Hong Kong government’s banning of the Hong Kong National Party, believing in the government’s legitimacy for the disqualification of legislators, believing in the involvement of gangs in the Mong Kok Incident of 2016, and expressing their confidence in the current legal system.

The interview excerpts are as follows:

1. Where do you stand on the political spectrum? / How would you define your political stance?
We believe the current word items are unable to express our Cabinet’s political stance. For example, if you consider the term localism or Hong Kong independence, these groups have not a clear boundary or universal definition given by the society. Whether it be the political spectrum or political stance, us who are Hong Kong-ers or who have been educated in Hong Kong, have a tendency to think from the standpoint of Hong Kong. If we consider the benefits from the standpoint of Hong Kong, we also need to consider the timeline. This (the timeline) means, that we should consider if these benefits are of short term or long term. Therefore, when considering Hong Kong’s benefits, we should also consider the policies and bills of neighbouring countries. Therefore, if we had to define our political stance in terms, it would be “international perspective that comes from a local standpoint”. The former is a consideration to the benefits, the latter is a consideration to the execution.

2. Do you support Hong Kong independence?
Firstly, we think this matter could be discussed freely, especially within the premises of the University. In terms of agreeing with Hong Kong independence, we think that Hong Kong independence is currently not the best option to be executed in Hong Kong, because there are still many other options to consider and discuss about. In addition, I think that Hong Kong’s internal affairs are very severe, like the external affairs that are mentioned in our campaign booklet, for example, students’ suicides, rising property prices, the severely outdated innovation and technology. These are problems that our internal department has to confront and resolve, therefore we put these internal affairs as our priority.

3. Do you think that Hong Kong independence is legal?
We believe any discussion that is in compliance with the law is acceptable. Therefore, we think that under the current, comprehensive legal system, with no breaching of the law, a person or group should be allowed to speak their thoughts on different issues.

4. Do you agree with Hong Kong government’s banning of the Hong Kong National Party?
Firstly, we believe that Hong Kong’s rule of law is still quite comprehensive. Therefore, we do not have much hesitation nor opposition for a judgment that is based on what we consider to be an intact judicial system of Hong Kong. In terms of the banning of the Hong Kong National Party, the society has different voices, but we believe we ought to obey the judgment that comes from what the majority of Hong Kong considers to be a comprehensive legal system.

5. Do you agree with Hong Kong government’s disqualification of legislators?
Actually, we have since the very beginning believed in Hong Kong’s rule of law as quite a frontrunner in the world; this has been backed by some survey organisations within the community too, so we believe that this rule of law can bring out a fair trial. Therefore, in regards to the disqualification of some legislators, we willingly believe that the entirety of the judgment process has been fair, with sufficient arguments to back up the government’s verdict. We do not express any special opinions towards this incident.

6. Do you support the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress’ Interpretation of the Basic Law (SCNPC's Interpretation of BL, or Interpretation of the Basic Law by the SCNPC)?
For the enactment of every legislation, it starts from a small portion of elites that begin to build its (the legislation’s) framework, it then continues to be improved as society grows. For this reason, the law is not a printed book, it allows us to continually amend, better, and complete items that are left neglected or faulted by predecessors. This applies for the SCNPC's Interpretation of BL, I believe the most important thing is, we hope to gain more Hong Kong-ers’ support under these fine-tunings (by the SCNPC's Interpretation of BL), we think this is what counts as a successful re-interpretation of the law.

7. Do you agree with the constitutional principle of “one country, two systems”?
We support all the terms that were signed in the Handover of Hong Kong, and this definitely includes the principle of “one country, two systems”.

8. Do you support the National Anthem Bill and the enactment of Article 23?
Due to the many controversies on this matter, we do not wish to comment on any legislation that has yet to be implemented or stipulated in explicit terms. This would be a prejudice on the said bill(s). These bills still have a lot of room for negotiation, so we believe the government should consider different voices, so as to introduce a legislation that is accepted by the majority of Hong Kong-ers.

9. What are your views on the idea of achieving justice by violating the law?
Hong Kong is a city with a comprehensive legal system; anyone has the right to express their own appeal or action. We advocate that everyone has the freedom to decide for their own deeds and express their own thoughts, but everyone should also be responsible to bear the consequences of their actions. Needless to say, we definitely believe that our legal system is perfect and fair.

10. What are your views on the Mong Kok Incident in 2016?
With regards to the Mong Kok unrest, many media sources have reported about the involvement of many illegal parties, and even that of gangs or triads. So, are the demonstrators in the Mong Kok unrest really with pure intentions to speak up, for the sake of expressing themselves as Hong Kong citizens?

11. Do you agree with the government’s decision to charge participants (of the Mong Kok Incident in 2016) with the offence of rioting?
With regards to the arrest of those participants, we hope that the Hong Kong government has had solid evidence to support (their arrest), and that the trial process has been fair. I hope they receive a fair trial.
___________________________________

二零一九年度香港大學學生會周年大選其他候選人包括候選常務秘書麥嘉晉、校園電視候選內閣、學苑候選編輯委員會及候選普選評議員。

2019年度周年大選中央諮詢大會將於一月二十一日至一月二十五日在中山廣場舉行，時間為下午十二時半至二時半。

Other candidates for the Annual Election 2019 include the Proposed General Secretary Mak Ka Chun Eugene, the Proposed Cabinet of Campus TV, the Proposed Editorial Board of Undergrad, and the Proposed Popularly Elected Union Councillor.

The Central Campaign for Annual Election 2019 will be held from the 21st to 25th of January at the Sun Yat-sen Place, from 12:30 to 14:30.

<< 説話改變命運 >>

今天在看Joel Osteen的新書：The Power of I AM. 很鼓勵同路人們去閲讀這本好書，它實在給了我很多的提醒、安慰和力量。

整本書的主題是，我們所説的話，決定了我們的命運。

Whatever follows the 'I am' will eventually find you. The good news is you get to choose what follows the 'I am'.

突然意識到，自己常常也不自覺地説了很多不能造就人的壞話。我很醜、我很胖、我很痛苦、我很不舒服、我做不到、我不可愛、別人一定不會取錄我。。。就如作者所説，這全部不但不能解決問題，卻把它越弄越大。弄到如斯田地，某程度上也是我錯誤的選擇。

When you continually talk about the problem, that's going to only make you more discouraged, and it gives that problem more life. You're making it bigger. Turn it around. Don't talk about the problem; talk about the promise.

不過，好消息是我們要悔改的話，永遠也不怕遲。要數算恩典，也要對神的所有應許有信心。祂要成就的事，一定會到來，而且是在最適當的時候。我們祈禱求神開路，但是神沒有回應，其實就在爲將來一個更大更美好的計劃而鋪路。可惜，我們太容易失去信心。

經歷過無數次碰壁，我發覺自己好像變得聰明了一點點。雖然一連串的面試真的搞得我筋疲力竭，也有非常灰心的時刻，但是我很快就能抖擻起來，因爲我知道，神會爲我開路，我不需要擔心。所以，現在我的内心真的很平安。我爲著自己的成長而感到很開心和驕傲。

Say it by faith: 'All is well.' It may not look well. It may not feel well. In the natural you should be complaining, talking about how bad it is, but instead you're making a declaration of faith: 'All is well,' That's when the most powerful force in the universe goes to work.

我的身心靈也不健康，不過從今天起，我每天都要朗讀以下的句子：我很可愛。我很開心。我很堅强。我是被接納的。我很健康。我是被祝福的。我很有安全感。我是被原諒的。我是充滿能力的。

從來看聖經也不明白，究竟 ' Let the weak say, ''I am strong'' '. 是什麽意思，今天我終於明白了。這就是，信心的功課。信心，改變了我們的命運。

同路人們，就讓我們一起學習多說好話，多作正面的交流，然後打死可惡的魔鬼！！！我真心相信，我們都會被醫治的，你相信嗎？