交通大學110學年度第一梯次出國交換說明會
Information Session for AY21/22 Outbound Student Exchange Program (1st Intake)
日期 Date: 2020/11/11 (Wed)
時間 Time: 12:30-14:00
地點 Venue: 人社三館1樓演講廳 Lecture Hall, 1F, Humanities & Social Sciences Building 3
報名網址 Registration Link: https://forms.gle/JWZmuVUxBooHSxoz8
說明會內容與時程 Contents & Schedule:
1. 12:30-12:45 香港中文大學暑期實習經驗分享-戴瑋妡同學 (CUHK Summer Internship)
2. 12:45-13:15 出國交換管道與申請方式說明-交大國際處周小姐 (Outbound Exchange Programs for NCTU students)
3. 13:15-13:30 台灣聯大交換學生計畫說明會-台聯大李小姐 (UST Exchange Programs)
4. 13:30-13:45 香港中文大學學期交換經驗分享-梁詠欽同學 (CUHK Semester Exchange)
5. 13:45-14:00 美國加州大學聖地牙哥分校暑期實習經驗分享-許勛豪同學 (UCSD Summer Internship)
※現場提供簡易餐點,發完為止 Light meal will be provided on a first-come-first-serve basis.
※出席完整說明會者,將獲得「出國交換說明會參加證明」,申請本校110學年度校內甄選時可加分。 Students who attend the entire information session will be provided with the Certificate of Participation, which will be counted towards bonus mark when applying for the internal selection for AY21/22 NCTU outbound exchange program.
更多資訊 Further Information:
1.交換說明會公告 Announcement of the Information Session
https://oia.nctu.edu.tw/announcement/general-information/9706/
2. 110學年度第一梯次出國交換計畫公告 Announcement of the AY21/22 Outbound Student Exchange Program (1st Intake)
https://oia.nctu.edu.tw/announcement/general-information/9701/
3.110年度第一梯次台聯大交換學生計畫公告 Announcement of the AY21/22 UST Student Exchange Program (1st Intake)
https://oia.nctu.edu.tw/announcement/student-area/9597/
主辦單位Organizer:國際事務處 NCTUOIA
承辦人Contact Person:周秋儀 Cherrie Chow
cherrie@nctu.edu.tw 校內分機Extension No.:50059
cuhk summer 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
cuhk summer 在 Vocabno Facebook 的最讚貼文
求職/JUPAS攻略(三)-Interview
1️⃣ Self-introduction
將你自身經歷match去你嗰科需要你有嘅特質,諗佢地expect嘅personalities再配一啲經歷persuade人哋覺得你真係適合呢個program/呢份工。
-
2️⃣ 點解入我哋呢科/apply我哋公司?
你要對院校/公司有一定認識,如果in大學就要知curriculum、排名、獨特嘅地方,我當時什至用CUHK EngEdu同HKU嘅curriculum同學科做比較,講出HKU點解好啲,所以記住真係要睇清楚人哋網頁揾啲relevant information, 揾唔到嘅就揾你啲上咗大學讀嗰科嘅師兄師姐幫手啦。至於見工嘅就要諗公司做嘅嘢<—>個人ability/interest同埋公司理念<—>個人理念。
-
3️⃣ 對industry嘅認識
講完personal嘅,就會講同學科相關嘅industries,例如Business可能會問你點睇未來中國同香港嘅商貿發展,Education會問你如何改善現時嘅教育制度。你interview前可以估吓題目,search吓啲新聞、articles嚟睇吓,可能會揾到啲examples套到用,對俾人搏學嘅印象有幫助㗎。至於見工都係差唔多概念。
-
4️⃣ 預備一至兩個問題問返interviewer
去任何interview, 正常嘅interviewer都會喺臨完問你"Do you have any questions?" 呢個係最後機會表現自己,千祈唔好答"no"或者任何人哋webpage都答到你嘅低質問題。宜向兩個方向建立問題,一係能夠表達個人優勝特質,二係展示你對佢哋學科、學院有充分了解,例如我當年問過:"As I know, one of the areas you will focus on is education psychology. I am particularly interested in this topic. Could you tell me more about what you are going to teach and suggest one book that a beginner can read during summer?" (表示了解課程同埋好學一面😎)。如果見工的話就可以問吓公司未來發展,近來我常問嘅一題係”What challenges do English teachers face in this school?”(理解嗰度嘅學生狀況同老師需要)。
-
5️⃣ Thank you letter
如果in大學,都可以send返封thank you letter多謝interviewers嘅。唔好諗住interview係入去見人嗰十五分鐘,由你踩入人哋學校(如果見工都一樣,我由入校門開始對住所有人都係friendly樣😂)到你send thank you letter都係interview。人哋見你、同你傾計都喺好嘅(人哋professor/老細都係job duty先要in你,而世界上冇乜邊個鍾意翻工)。所以點都好,interview時留意interviewers面前個名牌,冇就出去問receptionist,in完後上faculty webpage揾返佢email send封信,多謝人地抽時間見你,最好寫返佢講過乜嘢係inspiring嘅,署返個全名,俾人覺得你有禮貌、醒醒目目,起碼佢要翻工都翻得條氣順啲吖😂同埋一個program in咁多人,有封thank you email留個全名都係有著數嘅。至於見工就睇返個field嘅習慣啦,之前in PR我有send, 不過呢排in學校又冇,不過講至尾,呢樣都係bonus嚟嘅。
//
覺得有用嘅擺低個like, 咁我哋出文又動力大啲、快啲啦!
#Vocabno #English #DSE #19DSE #2019DSE #20DSE #2020DSE #21DSE #2021DSE #Reading #Writing #Speaking #Wordoftheday #Vocabulary #Expression #Phrase #HKDSE #LiberalStudies #通識 #LS #Dsetips #Linguistics #語言學 #Morphology #JUPAS #CV #JobApplication