母語者比較不會用英文溝通?
Wut...?
★★★★★★★★★★★★
When it comes to communicating in English with an international audience, native speakers don’t always do so well.
若要以「英語」與國際聽眾進行交流,母語者未必能與非母語者進行有效地溝通。
Sometimes, such inability to accommodate non-native speakers can lead to substantial financial losses for multinational companies.
有時,無法考量非母語者的溝通需求,可能會使跨國公司蒙受巨大的經濟損失。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
《NPR》報導:
Picture this: A group of nonnative English speakers is in a room. There are people from Germany, Singapore, South Korea, Nigeria and France. They're having a great time speaking to each other in English, and communication is smooth.
•picture(v.) 想像,設想
•have a great time doing sth 做某事很開心
•smooth 順利的,流暢的
想像一下:一群母語非英語的人同在一個房間裡。有來自德國、新加坡、韓國、奈及利亞以及法國的人。他們開心地以英語交談,而整體的溝通也相當流暢。
ᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯ
And then an American walks into the room. The American speaks quickly, using esoteric jargon ("let's take a holistic approach") and sports idioms ("you hit it out of the park!"). And the conversation trickles to a halt.
•esoteric 極不尋常的;只有少數人(尤指內行)才懂的;限於小圈子的
•jargon 行話,行業術語
•a holistic approach 全面性的方法 ; 完整取向、全方位取向
•sports idioms 體育相關的成語,慣用語
•trickle to a halt 遂逐漸停止
•trickle 從…向下滴(或淌)
*hit/knock the ball out of the park 字面上的意思是「把球打出棒球場」,慣用語的意思則是「某事做的非常好,令人驚艷」。
結果,有個美國人走進房間。這位美國人說話很快,使用少數人才懂的的術語(「讓我們採用整全的方式」)以及與體育相關的成語(「你把球打出了公園!*」)。整場談話遂逐漸停止。
ᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯ
Decades of research shows that when a native English speaker enters a conversation among nonnative speakers, understanding goes down. Global communication specialist Heather Hansen tells us that's because the native speaker doesn't know how to do what nonnative speakers do naturally: speak in ways that are accessible to everyone, using simple words and phrases.
•communication specialist 溝通專家
•accessible 可以理解的;易懂的
數十年的研究表明,當母語為英語的人參與非母語者之間的談話時,理解力會下降。全球溝通專家 Heather Hansen 告訴我們,這是因為母語者無法自然地以非母語者的方式來溝通:以大家都能接受的方式交談——使用簡單的詞彙與片語。
ᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯ
And yet, as Hansen points out, this more accessible way of speaking is often called "bad English." There are whole industries devoted to "correcting" English that doesn't sound like it came from a native British or American speaker. …It turns out that these definitions of "good" and "bad" English may be counterproductive if our goal is to communicate as effectively as possible.
•point sth out 指出
•turn out …地發生(或發展);結果是(尤指出乎意料的結果)
•counterproductive 産生相反效果的;産生相反作用的;事與願違的,適得其反的
惟正如 Hansen 所指出,這種所謂更容易理解的說話方式,通常被稱為「破英語」。也有行業致力於「糾正」那些聽起來不像英國或美國母語者的英語。⋯⋯事實證明,如果我們的目標是盡可能地有效交流,那麼這些對「好」英語與「壞」英語的定義可能會適得其反。
ᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯᕯ
A balance needs to be struck. There is also a clear difference between helping students improve their English in a classroom and being overly judgmental in a business meeting (or on the Internet ><).
就我個人而言,我認為在這種情況下需探求一個平衡點。在課堂上幫助他人提高英語能力,以及在國際商務會議(或網路上)中過於苛刻,這兩者顯然有極大的區別。
However, if the goal is to communicate effectively with an international audience, native speakers could be more accommodating. At least, that's the view taken by the articles below.
但以下文章認為,若母語者的目標是有效地溝通,那麼在以英語與國際聽眾交流時,母語者應表現得更加隨和。
*accommodating 樂於助人的;與人方便的;通融的
完整NPR報導:https://n.pr/3y6g9IM
BBC相關報導:https://bbc.in/3h5MkCy
★★★★★★★★★★★★
圖片出處: https://bit.ly/3x2lr7X
同時也有5部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅Brian2Taiwan,也在其Youtube影片中提到,英文發音系列課程連結在最下面! 現在65折~ 美式英文跟英式英文做完了,香港英文跟馬來西亞英文也做完了,今天我跟2分之一強的澳洲同學凱琳一起討論美國跟澳洲的英文單字的不同~ 之前蠻多粉絲說自己住在澳洲學英文出來澳式英文發音之外也有學單字的時候發現美國的單字跟澳洲的很多不同聲音今天來討論一下這兩...
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【學生提出釋疑】
Q:What is the difference between license and licence?想請問這兩個字的用法有什麼不同?
A:同學您好,licence 與 license 的差異在於您是在哪一種英語中看到其被使用,如果是英式英文(British English)
名詞拼作licence
動詞拼作license
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而美式英文的話(American English)
名詞與動詞皆拼作 license
所以除了詞性以外,還要看您所使用的是美式或英式英文,要是以台灣環境來說,多是使用美式英文(GEPT/TOEIC/TOEFL),不過如果是像英式英文為主的考試(IELTS/BULATS),則需視情況調整。
以上回覆提供您參考,並祝學習順利。
高雄人 學習英文 請找 多益達人 林立英文
difference between british and american english 在 Nasser Amparna Funpage Facebook 的最佳貼文
A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew
THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...
I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________
(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)
*
The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.
His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.
In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.
We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.
Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.
Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.
International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.
Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.
As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.
With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.
The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.
Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.
Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.
It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.
It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.
Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.
He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.
The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?
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SAYANG! kindly share.
difference between british and american english 在 Brian2Taiwan Youtube 的精選貼文
英文發音系列課程連結在最下面! 現在65折~
美式英文跟英式英文做完了,香港英文跟馬來西亞英文也做完了,今天我跟2分之一強的澳洲同學凱琳一起討論美國跟澳洲的英文單字的不同~
之前蠻多粉絲說自己住在澳洲學英文出來澳式英文發音之外也有學單字的時候發現美國的單字跟澳洲的很多不同聲音今天來討論一下這兩種英文發音跟英文單字的差別
另外凱琳也是一個歌手也有一個樂團叫做中庸樂團Zy The Way,他們是特別做不同種西方音樂跟台灣音樂的混合音樂
有興趣的話這裡有凱琳自己的IG跟他們樂團的IG跟YouTube連結~ 大家去支持一下!
凱琳的IG:
https://instagram.com/cait.magee?igshid=1mwtm83mpioe
中庸IG:
https://instagram.com/zytheway?igshid=1fou4ezhka967
中庸YouTube:
https://youtube.com/channel/UCiTUvnNue1TiIHXFUvmH1iA
因為三月是Women’s History Month,他們在3月27號晚上八點會在台北的W Hotel做一個Amy Winehouse的特別表演所以大家有空也可以去看他們表演~
布萊恩矯正發音VoiceTube的VClass連結:
https://bit.ly/3oltGa9
#學英文 #澳式英文 #澳洲英文
difference between british and american english 在 Brian2Taiwan Youtube 的最讚貼文
發音課現在到2/25可以打五折!
https://bit.ly/3oltGa9
也可以到我的IG
https://www.instagram.com/brian2taiwan
然後在那邊的貼文留言說哪一下英文發音你特別想學~ 我會再傳一個折扣碼給你 (前500位而已喔~ 大概剩下400個可以送!)
今天我請2分之一強型男英國代表湯姆士來跟我比較英式英文跟美式英文發音的大不同
大家應該都知道學英文的時候有些單字跟發音美國人跟英國人會不一樣 今天我們準備一些照片來比較一下美語跟英語的用詞
上個禮拜已經有另一支跟湯姆士的合作影片。那支裡面討論美國跟英國的英文單字不一樣的地方所以還沒去看的話記得看喔~
另外記得追蹤湯姆士的IG!
https://www.Instagram.com/t.creed
#學英文 #英文發音 #英式英文
difference between british and american english 在 Brian2Taiwan Youtube 的最佳解答
發音課現在到2/25可以打五折!
https://bit.ly/3oltGa9
也可以到我的IG
https://www.instagram.com/brian2taiwan
然後在那邊的貼文留言說哪一下英文發音你特別想學~ 我會再傳一個折扣碼給你 (前500位而已喔~ 大概剩下400個可以送!)
今天我請2分之一強型男英國代表湯姆士來跟我比較英式英文跟美式英文單字的大不同
大家應該都知道學英文的時候有些單字跟發音美國人跟英國人會不一樣 今天我們準備一些照片來比較一下美語跟英語的用詞
下禮拜會有第二支跟湯姆士的合作影片。那支裡面會討論美國跟英國的英文發音不一樣的地方所以下禮拜記得回來看喔~
另外記得追蹤湯姆士的IG!
https://www.Instagram.com/t.creed
#學英文 #英文單字 #英式英文
difference between british and american english 在 How Are British English and American English Different? 的推薦與評價
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difference between british and american english 在 Pin on english grammar - Pinterest 的推薦與評價
Do you know any differences between American and British English? The following lesson provides over 100 differences between British vs. American English with ... ... <看更多>
difference between british and american english 在 BRITISH vs. AMERICAN English: 100+ Differences Illustrated 的推薦與評價
... <看更多>