關於 election campaign中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【從《操弄：劍橋分析事件大揭密》看美國大選】

今天華爾街日報（The Wall Street Journal）、紐約時報（The New York Times）及華盛頓郵報（The Washington Post）等各大報紛紛報導，美國聯邦調查局（FBI）證實，俄羅斯總統普丁正試圖干預美國2020年總統大選，普丁試圖「幫助」的候選人有兩個，一個是共和黨的現任總統川普，另一個是民主黨目前的初選領先者老將桑德斯（Bernie Sanders），FBI已經將相關情報向這兩位當事人候選人進行簡報。

這個消息，乍聽唐突荒謬，但卻一點也不是新劇本。

你也許會懷疑，川普與桑德斯兩人在政策立場上南轅北轍，且分數不同政黨，俄羅斯縱使要介入美國大選，照理說也應該是挑一個候選人支持，怎麼會同時支持這兩個人？

如果你有這樣的疑問，不妨可以讀一本2019年轟動全球的重量級著作《操弄：劍橋分析事件大揭密》（英文書名：Targeted: The Cambridge Analytica whistleblower’s inside story of how big data Trump and Facebook broke democracy and how it can happen again），作者是Brittany Kaiser 。

曾任職於「劍橋分析」（Cambridge Analytica）的Kaiser在辭職後選擇成為「吹哨者」（whistleblower），這本書詳述諸如「劍橋分析」這類公司如何利用數據影響各國選舉，包括希拉蕊輸給川普這一場戰役，不但標題聳動，內容也耳目一新，值得一讀。Kaiser因為這本書聲名大噪，自己也成為Netflix原創紀錄片《個資風暴》主角。

《操弄》一書中舉了許多案例，除了2016年川普跌破大家眼鏡贏得希拉蕊之役外，還有英國脫歐及奈及利亞的選戰等。Kaiser對臉書公司提出了嚴厲的批評，認為臉書個資外洩漏洞導致像是「劍橋分析」這類公司得以上下其手。當然，臉書對此有完全不一樣的解釋，認為是「劍橋分析」這間公司「偷竊」了臉書的個資，而不是臉書的「個資外洩」。在這個網路時代，「個資」就是石油，掌握了個資，你就有無限商機。這就是這本書的基本立論。

時間過得很快，《操弄》書中所談到的美國大選，轉眼間已經從2016年來到2020年，主角也從「川普 vs 希拉蕊」 變成「 川普 vs 桑德斯」。如果美國情報單位的調查屬實，那我們也許可以來問一個問題：俄羅斯同時押寶川普及桑德斯的好處是什麼？

首先，我們必須要了解，川普及桑德斯兩人代表美國政治光譜的兩個極端。川普出身商界，主張「讓美國再次強大」及右派經濟政策，卻也常被批評帶有白人至上主義及歧視女性與少數族裔。桑德斯是美國政壇知名的社會主義者，包括增稅在內等經濟政策被視為極左。

這樣南轅北轍的兩人，卻在一件事想法相近：美國不應該在外交事務上花太多心力。

這讓向來有區域擴張野心的普丁嗅到了血味。

正是因為川普及桑德斯的支持者立場實在南轅北轍，還有什麼比這樣一組的候選人，更容易激起美國社會對立及分化呢？只要利用殭屍帳號及假資訊與不實資訊，美國社會經過這次大選會更加對立，中間選民會被擠出公共討論空間，美國民主制度的可信性將遭到質疑。重要的是，無論這兩人誰當選，贏者都將疲於治理及重新團結一個分裂的美國社會，無暇顧及普丁的領土擴張野心。

桑德斯雖然得知俄羅斯正試圖幫助其贏得初選，但他的回應清楚有力：「聽著，這是我給俄羅斯的訊息：滾出美國大選！」（And look, here is the message to Russia, ‘Stay out of the American election.’ ）桑德斯當然不因此感到欣喜，因為這嚴重破壞美國的民主制度。

《操弄》的中文版封面有個小標題：「個資風暴 Ｘ 洗腦大戰：網路選戰未來將如何不斷撕裂民主」。對美國2020年大選有興趣的朋友們，胖犬大力推薦可以讀讀這本書喔！

當然我們也可以想想，網軍target的不僅僅是選舉，還有公投，甚至各種社會議題，例如台灣目前的防疫工作。

當我們在網路上關注台灣的防疫進度時，也要時常提醒自己，不要輕易被網路上的殭屍帳號給操弄情緒或甚至因而造成社會分化。

有興趣者可看紐時的這篇新聞分析：
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/22/us/politics/russia-election-meddling-trump-sanders.html

或WSJ這篇新聞：
https://www.wsj.com/articles/bernie-sanders-was-warned-russia-is-trying-to-boost-his-presidential-campaign-11582330668

#美國大選 #川普 #桑德斯
#俄羅斯 #普丁
#臉書 #劍橋分析
#資訊戰 #個資風暴

感謝野人文化 寄給我一本好書！

讀書共和國

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（訂閱之後，也歡迎私訊跟我確認一下喔！）

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【現場直播】2019年度周年大選中央諮詢大會 第五日 | Central Campaign for Annual Election 2019 Day 5

內容撮要：

(1230) 候選普選評議員將於1230-1330 缺席

(1241) 中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲進場

(1245) 候選會長表示內閣蒼傲不會退選

(1248) 就有報道指候選內務副會長指候選會長「係鬼」，候選會長澄清「鬼」是指「老鬼」

(1252) 候選內務副會長指早前提及同情中國是指中國經常被誤解而同情中國

(1255) 候選會長重申內閣蒼傲不會退選

(1300) 候選內務副會長認為自己支持度不足是因為自己走在改變學生會的最前線，指有同學向他指現時學生會排外和歧視非本地生（racist）

(1308) 候選內務副會長認為將英語訂為學生會惟一法定語言能提升同學水平，而同學多說英語是"For the greater good for all students" ，希望同學更勇於說英文

(1312) 候選內務副會長表示重視非本地生的參與多於種族共融

(1319) 候選內務副會長表示並不清楚不同非本地生需要，會在稍後探訪相關團體

(1324) 台下會眾認為中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲並不了解非本地生需要，批評中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲分化本地與非本地生

(1333) 候選內務副會長表示自己經常不回應問題是因為自己太忙，表示已盡力

(1335) 候選內務副會長指明白在場會眾都不會投贊成票，所以會專注另外95%同學

(1348) 候選內務副會長形容現時學生會把非本地生逼到牆角

(1351) 候選內務副會長認為將英語訂為學生會惟一法定語言能解決Market failure（即可以用中文時便不會使用英文）

(1359) 台下會眾引用上海和台灣的例子，擔心將英語訂為學生會惟一法定語言長遠令語言消失

(1404) 台下會眾形容中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲的語言政策有如語言帝國主義（Linguistic Imperialism）

(1410) 候選內務副會長表示不會就可能造成分化道歉

(1418) 舍堂要求同學作貢獻，令同學學業變差，從而令學生有心理壓力，影響心理健康

(1426) 候選內務副會長表示以中國為榮，因中國有長遠歷史等因素

(1430) 候選內務副會長香港不是一個民族，認為中國人與香港人沒有分別

(1435) 候選內務副會長表示中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲會在校園推廣中文

(1440) 中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲離場
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學生會2019年度周年大選將於一月二十八日至二月一日舉行。2019年度周年大選選舉委員會將舉辦中央諮詢大會，讓同學向候選人提出問題及意見，了解各候選人之政綱。是次諮詢大會將以廣東話及英語進行，屆時亦會向有需要人士提供即時翻譯服務。諮詢大會詳情如下：

日期：一月二十一日 至 一月二十五日
時間：下午十二時半 至 二時半
地點：中山廣場

是次諮詢大會將根據學生會評議會議事規則進行。

The Annual Election 2019 will be held from 28 January to 1 February. The Annual Election Commission 2019 will organize the Central Campaign for students to ask questions and provide comments to candidates. The Central Campaign will be conducted in Cantonese and English. Instant interpretation will be provided upon request. The details of the Central Campaign are as follows:

Date: 21 January – 25 January
Time: 12:30 – 14:30
Venue: Sun Yat-sen Place

The Central Campaign will be conducted in accordance with the Standing Orders of the Union Council.