關於 fight for freedom stand with hong kong中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．
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港實業家袁弓夷給美國務卿蓬佩奧的一封信：請救救香港的孩子。

中文（英文在後）：

親愛的國務卿蓬佩奧鈞鑒，我以愛好自由的香港人名義，感謝你對香港的支持。今年是天安門64屠城的31周年。在中國對民主渴望上的重要時刻。

您選擇了支持香港爭取自由，說明在此關鍵時刻，您與香港的英雄們真誠地站在一起爭取人權。這些數以百萬計的英雄們是為自己家園的未來挺身而出的普通香港人；還有那些無名的律師、義工、醫護人員、記者、藝人緊守崗位，讓我們的聲音得以傳播；也是那些敢於繼續為做對的事而站出來的年青人。

但是，爭取自由需付出大代價。這些戰士是我們的孩子，也是香港社會普普通通的孩子。

在過去的12個月，有太多的孩子被拘捕、虐待、強姦、謀殺，同時有孩子懷疑已經被送中，秘密被關到集中營，再也沒有音訊了。

為爭取保護自己城市機會，他們犧牲了自己的工作，據「Hong Kong watch」公佈，從去年6月9號至今，已經有8,934位抗爭者被捕，年齡介乎11到84歲。繼他們後，誰還去抗爭？要犧牲多少個我們年輕人的未來才能換到基本的自由？

它們正在抹去我們的語言；
我們香港人的身分
我們的言論自由
我們的法治
我們的孩子

現在，我們需要美國去抵禦中共。若等到6月底讓國安法通過，就等同在等待著另一場大屠殺的展開。

中共以「會收手」做偽裝，讓世界允許其犯下對無辜生命的殘暴行為。它們是永遠不會停手的，直到它們控制了世界，包括美國。

如現在不阻止中共，就會太遲了！我們必須吸取歷史教訓，姑息政策從來沒成功過。

中共已經背棄《中英聯合聲明》中對港人「一國兩制」的承諾。世界領袖不單止是要支持，而是要爭取的時刻已經到來。如果成功，歷史將會記住美國是一個敢於承擔、真正為民主發聲的國家。

我懇請：
因中華人民共和國已經背棄了它在《中英聯合聲明》中的所有責任。香港的主權應該恢復給英國。請說服您的英國盟友在此刻做對的事；就是將主權移交給香港人，條件是在6個月內，在國際獨立監查下，完成真正的公投，讓港人自己選擇他們的未來。

香港是屬於香港人的。

在公投前，我們需要美國的軍隊保護香港，像當年保護西德，免受中共無休止地干預、滲透、欺騙和鎮壓我們的孩子。您在香港的8萬5千子民也需您的保護。

最後，當您致力於再次維持南中國海安全時，請把我們列入您的戰事計劃中，因為我們也是南中國海的部份。

國務卿先生，作為自由世界的聯盟，請讓香港再變得安全。

敬侯卓裁!

天佑美國！天護香港！

袁弓夷敬上

English:

Secretary Pompeo,

On behalf of our FREEDOM loving people in HK, I thank you for STANDING WITH HONG KONG.

The coming June 4th is the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre. A pivotal moment in China’s hope for democracy.

Your decision to stand with freedom in Hong Kong shows your true dedication to human rights in today’s watershed moment, with the heroes of Hong Kong.

The millions of everyday Hong Kongers marching for the future of their home.

The nameless lawyers, volunteers, medical staff, journalists, artists doing their part to keep our voices alive.

The youth of Hong Kong daring to stand up for what they know in their heart to be right.

But the fight for freedom has come at great cost.

These warriors are our children and every day Hong Kong kids.

And in the last 12 months, Too many have been arrested, tortured, raped, murdered and many allegedly shipped across the border to secret concentration camps, never to be heard of again.

Giving up their lives for a chance at the preservation of their city.

8934 protestors aged between 11 and 84 years have been arrested since June 9th 2019.

After them, who will be left to fight?

How many of our young will have to sacrifice their futures for basic rights?

They are erasing our language.
Our identity as Hong Kong people.
Our right to speak.
Our rule of law.
Our children.

We need the US to stand up to the CCP, NOW.

Waiting for the National Security Law to be passed in late June is waiting for another Holocaust to begin.

The world has allowed China to commit mass atrocities against human lives under the pretense that one day they will stop.

They will never stop until they control the world, including America.

If it doesn’t stop here now, it will be too late.

We must learn from history that appeasement will NEVER work.

The one country two systems promised Hong Kong in the joint Sino-British Declaration has been obliterated.

Now is the moment for our world leaders to not only stand up, but to fight. If done, history will remember America as a nation that dared, truly, to be a voice for freedom.

Here is what I ask:

Since the PRC has reneged on all its obligations in the Joint Sino British Declaration, HK Sovereignty should revert back to the UK. Please convince your ally UK to do the right thing this time, by transferring the Sovereignty back to the people of HK, on the condition of a genuine referendum in 6 months, supervised by international and independent judges, to choose their own future.

Hong Kong belong to HK people.

Before the referendum, we need your troops to keep HK safe as West Berlin, from the Communist’s never ending interferences, infiltrations, cheating and persecution of our youths. Your 85,000 US citizens in HK also need your protection.

Lastly, while you are working to make South China Sea safe again, please include us in your battle plan.

We are also in the South China Sea.

Mr. Secretary, as an ally in the free world, please

make HK safe again.

Thank you.

God Bless USA
God Save HK.

＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
📣香港告急‼️
付費支持抗共媒體
香港人一定要贏💪🏻
香港大紀元時報新聞網於6月1日起轉為付費形式💳，一日未輸，我們絕不放棄！
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每月只需2杯☕☕價錢前線記者們就可以堅持下去！

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

對現在十八歲的傷者Simon來說，2019年8月31日是人生中永不磨減的日期。三百六十五天前，列車停在太子站，他的後腦被打了三棍，血染紅了白色的熊貓襯衫，人頓時天旋地轉……

「當時有衝突發生，我聽到車站響起警報聲，感到很驚慌。我走了去對面荃灣線往中環方向的列車，進去後，我將背囊放到椅子上，我站在背向車門的位置，檢查隨身物品。」他覆述那夜細節，仍是語速緊張，眉頭緊皺。

「當時，我沒有留意到原來警察就在我身後，直到第一棍，打中了我的頭部。第二棍打下來，我就失平衡，整個人撞了去列車道門旁邊的凹位，跌了在地上。然後捱了第三棍，我回頭終於看得清，那是一班蒙面黑色制服的警員。」這個過程，他明明說了很多次，但是每一次重提舊事，還是猶有餘悸。

他的頭部血流如注，血紅色很快沾滿他那件充滿稚氣的熊貓T-shirt，人有點模糊，乖乖地蹲在地上等待包紮，還傻氣地用手摸一摸後腦那股溫熱……

「我不痛，但那一刻覺得很恐懼。」Simon當天是一位乘客，沒有手持武器，沒有豬嘴在身，甚至連黑衣也沒有穿，「為甚麼他要用這麼強烈的武力去對我呢？」這是他思考了整整一年也想不通的問題。

最後他隨列車被送到油麻地站，並到廣華醫院受治理。九月二日是中六的開學日，Simon缺席了開學禮，他躲在醫院病床上，頭殼縫了十四針，他記得，護士每縫一針，他都緊緊捏着拳頭抵受着痛楚，「我那時只有十七歲，這些痛楚是不是應該由我承受？」

一年間，那三棍如夢靨纏擾他多時，他卻發現無人受到追究。所以他決定提出民事訴訟，入稟區院向警務處處長民事索償，並希望向港鐵索取閉路電視片段，還8.31一個真相。

律師估計程序冗長，需時甚久，大約需要六年，但Simon覺得「既然開始了就要做下去」：「這個訴訟不只是代表我自己，而是代表整個香港希望尋求公義的人。8.31打死人的所謂傳言存在太久，希望我們可以找到真相。」

過去一年，Simon受傷，卻從未放棄學業。他咬緊牙關溫習，竭力考好DSE。最後，他如願考入中文大學。記者兩次聯招放榜均陪伴在側，完全感受到他即將成為大學生的興奮心情，若不是那一夜坐上那班恐怖列車，眼前小伙子應該只會會在乎中六Last Day用甚麼顏色筆簽名、和同學去哪兒Grad trip，而不是在法庭奔波、接受媒體訪問……

他的鎮定讓人忘了，他只有十八歲。那是個青春懵懂的年紀，讀書考試是世界的全部，去玩會穿熊貓襯衫。而今天，他又和我們來到太子站，在月台上來來回回走了幾趟，血漬不在了，尖叫聲不在了，棍子不在了，但他幽幽地說，「無論過了多久，有些事是怎樣也抹不走，抹不走的。」

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