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在financial affairs中文這個產品中，有4篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過1,551的網紅台灣空姐姍姍的旅遊和廣東話閒聊，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 有黑客响一間响深圳叫Zhenhua Data嘅Server揾到好多西方國家（日本、澳洲、英國、美國）幾百萬個政要同重要人物嘅社交網路私人資料。 間公司好明目張膽講明個業務係為軍事、保安、文宣同賣資料。 //"services for military, security and foreign p...
　同時也有10000部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル，也在其Youtube影片中提到，...

financial affairs中文 在 台灣空姐姍姍的旅遊和廣東話閒聊 Facebook 的最佳解答

台灣空姐姍姍的旅遊和廣東話閒聊 By 台灣空姐姍姍的旅遊和廣東話閒聊

2020-09-14 15:23:45 有 0 人按讚
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有黑客响一間响深圳叫Zhenhua Data嘅Server揾到好多西方國家（日本、澳洲、英國、美國）幾百萬個政要同重要人物嘅社交網路私人資料。

間公司好明目張膽講明個業務係為軍事、保安、文宣同賣資料。 //"services for military, security and foreign propaganda" and "human-oriented threat intelligence services", and to have sold its database to security clients in China.//

個黑客已經交咗比五眼嘅情報部份，而英國嗰份就比咗《The Telegraph》。當中包括首相、議員、皇室、商界人士40,000幾人。

BTW，同一日澳洲《Fianncial Review》都收到黎自黑客响呢間嘢度攞出黎，關於35,000澳洲政要嘅科。

#點樣否認好呢？

報導：
《THe Telegrpah》
Chinese tech firm compiles database on tens of thousands of British figures
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/09/13/chinese-tech-firm-compiles-database-tens-thousands-british-figures/

《Financial Review》
China's social media warfare database lists key Australians
https://www.afr.com/policy/foreign-affairs/china-s-social-media-warfare-database-lists-key-australians-20200910-p55u95

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台灣空姐姍姍的旅遊和廣東話閒聊

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從澳門到香港工作生活6年, 曾任空服員, 2016年決定再度回到臺灣, 用不同於以往的視角看待臺灣的一切. 除了不定時寫下我的旅遊度假見聞趣事和生活分享, 更要用不同語言見微知著, 妙看文化差異
前卡達、港龍航空台灣籍空服員，現在是教學將滿五年的廣東話和英文專職家教。飛行工作讓我染上戒不掉的旅行癮，教學讓我認識各行各業的人們。不一樣的身份，日子一樣有意思
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financial affairs中文 在 Goodbye HK, Hello UK Facebook 的精選貼文

Goodbye HK, Hello UK By Goodbye HK, Hello UK

2020-09-14 14:28:34 有 4,603 人按讚
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證據確鑿，仲有得唔認？

有黑客响一間响深圳叫Zhenhua Data嘅Server揾到好多西方國家（日本、澳洲、英國、美國）幾百萬個政要同重要人物嘅社交網路私人資料。

間公司好明目張膽講明個業務係為軍事、保安、文宣同賣資料。 //"services for military, security and foreign propaganda" and "human-oriented threat intelligence services", and to have sold its database to security clients in China.//

個黑客已經交咗比五眼嘅情報部門，而英國嗰份就比咗《The Telegraph》。當中包括首相、議員、皇室、商界人士40,000幾人。

BTW，同一日澳洲《Fianncial Review》都收到黎自黑客响呢間嘢度攞出黎，關於35,000澳洲政要嘅科。

#點樣否認好呢？

報導：
《THe Telegrpah》
Chinese tech firm compiles database on tens of thousands of British figures
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/09/13/chinese-tech-firm-compiles-database-tens-thousands-british-figures/
《Financial Review》
China's social media warfare database lists key Australians
https://www.afr.com/policy/foreign-affairs/china-s-social-media-warfare-database-lists-key-australians-20200910-p55u95
*********************************
支持Patreon係本Page嘅支柱：
https://www.patreon.com/goodbyehkhellouk
（最新）
移民並不是旅遊，生活係另一套技能
https://bit.ly/2Fn81h6
俄羅斯遠東一個示威咗兩個月無人理嘅地方
https://bit.ly/3bIIuLk
香港9月6號示威，英美傳媒綜合報導
https://bit.ly/331nrj7
推動BNO變BC嘅"Hong Kong Bill"响國會通過嘅可能性
https://bit.ly/3btETQV
响英國學中文Out咗...
https://bit.ly/2Z1GKrh
英國五大傳媒幫手重溫721
https://bit.ly/31vSjse
美國大選：民調反映唔到嘅民意，就係最大嘅變數
https://bit.ly/32ix7p0
白俄羅斯，三十年獨裁的困局
https://bit.ly/3iw4zyB
******************************

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Goodbye HK, Hello UK

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成長於香港，生活在英國嘅暖氣廢中，Goodbye HK Hello UK FB專頁版主。 希望用?
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financial affairs中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

黃之鋒 Joshua Wong By 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

2020-04-08 18:22:53 有 400 人按讚
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

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黃之鋒．民主派初選民意代表．前香港眾志秘書長．前學民思潮召集人
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financial affairs中文 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最讚貼文

コバにゃんチャンネル By コバにゃんチャンネル

2021-10-01 13:19:08 有 9 人看過 有 1 人喜歡
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コバにゃんチャンネル

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コバにゃん☆です?
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financial affairs中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的精選貼文

大象中醫 By 大象中醫

2021-10-01 13:10:45 有 0 人看過 有 0 人喜歡
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大象中醫

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長照是一個劇變的旋轉舞台 百年難得一見 沒有準備的人 被旋轉舞台甩出去 不是坐下就是躺下 而大象中醫是太極的推手 推動著旋轉舞台 讓 所有爬不起來的人 背後有一股推手力量 支撐再站起來
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financial affairs中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳解答

大象中醫 By 大象中醫

2021-10-01 13:09:56 有 0 人看過 有 0 人喜歡
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大象中醫

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長照是一個劇變的旋轉舞台 百年難得一見 沒有準備的人 被旋轉舞台甩出去 不是坐下就是躺下 而大象中醫是太極的推手 推動著旋轉舞台 讓 所有爬不起來的人 背後有一股推手力量 支撐再站起來
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financial affairs中文 ::財務…，點擊查查權威綫上辭典詳細解釋financial affairs的中文翻譯，financial affairs的發音，音標，用法和例句等。 ... <看更多>

financial affairs中文 在 financial affairs - Linguee | 中英词典（更多其他语言） 的相關結果

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