-(中文版本往下滑!)
Introducing three moisturizing toner sprays for today!
From left to right:
Mudan ginger lily water
It has a refreshing scent and is made in Taiwan. In winter times it’s not hydrating enough on its own, but for a sudden hydration after washing the face is fine. I put it in a spray bottle to use it!
Eau Thermale Avène雅漾 thermal spring water
I suppose most people known this product 😂 I love it while my skin is irritated. There’s no scent of this product, just water. Be sure not to shake before using it! The design wasn’t meant to be shaken!
Perth's King栢司金 Perth’s key rose therapeutic floral water
This is actually an empty, and this particular one is discontinuing on the website 😂 but the spray is quite good so I saved it for other toners! I still remember the thoughts while using it, and I do like it a lot! It’s for winter skincare, for it has oil in it ( which will be a bit heavy in summer). The scent is quite strong, I have to take a deep breath first, hold my breath, than spray it on. Once I’m familiar with it, it’s fine. It’s very moisturizing and leaves a tacky finish (need some time to get into the skin).
Do you guys use sprays? Which brand do you use?
I would love to know in the comments down below:)
Wish you all a lovely day!☺️
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今天來介紹三個我用過/正在使用的化妝噴霧!
一般來說即便不是噴霧裝的化妝水我也都會裝進噴瓶裡面哈哈哈哈😂(有夠懶惰)畢竟噴一噴比較快(?)除非有特別說是濕敷效果比較好的才會用濕敷,但使用頻率就會低很多(到底多懶)
由左到右是:
馨牡丹 野薑花植萃化妝水
有淡淡香味,保濕力尚可,別人送的,也不知道哪裡買哈哈哈,包裝上面是寫屏東縣牡丹鄉公所(?)
#雅漾 活泉水
眾所皆知大名鼎鼎的~肌膚敏感時最放心使用!好像不需要多做介紹,沒有特別的香味!記得不要搖就對了!這個噴瓶的設計是使用前不用搖的~搖了反而不容易噴或是可能有損壞(?)的機率喔!
栢司金 Perthskey系列玫瑰花水
玫瑰口味現在好像已經沒有賣了!是一個隱藏版空空賞哈哈!但因為噴頭很不錯所以把罐子留下來妝其他的化妝水噴😂還記得使用心得所以還是可以分享!是含有玫瑰精油的化妝水,玫瑰味道很強烈,第一次使用會不太習慣!對味道敏感的人可能需要注意一下~但習慣之後就OK了!有精油所以很保濕,適合冬天使用,臉上噴完是會有一層粘膩的感覺的,要等一陣子才會吸收(也因此很保濕)整體來說我很喜歡💕
大家都用哪個牌子的保濕噴霧呢?
歡迎跟我分享:)
祝大家有美好的一天~~💕
#skincare #spray #保養 #toner #beauty #beautyblogger #skincarejunkie #beautyjunkie #skincareproducts #skincarecommunity #discoverunder5k #discoverunder10k #skincareart #photography #discoverunder1k #moisturizing #hydration #hydratingskincare #뷰티 #스킨케어 #뷰티스타그램 #저자극화장품 #피부관리 #avène #化粧水
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過25萬的網紅13N,也在其Youtube影片中提到,http://www.13n.tv/blog/yamaha-yzf-r6-test-ride 十年不變的R6,終於大改款了。這台可是最像廠車的中極距仿賽。不過骨子裡,還是個那大家熟悉的第三代R6就是了。After 10 years, R6 finally recieves a major updat...
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
get familiar with中文 在 13N Youtube 的最讚貼文
http://www.13n.tv/blog/yamaha-yzf-r6-test-ride
十年不變的R6,終於大改款了。這台可是最像廠車的中極距仿賽。不過骨子裡,還是個那大家熟悉的第三代R6就是了。After 10 years, R6 finally recieves a major update. It's probably the closest factory M1 looking bike you can get. However, you won't be surprised by what lies underneath those plastics. It's essentially the same R6 we are all familiar with.
Bike: Yamaha YZF-R6
Vlog 77 摩托日記第七十七篇
R6 Music: Seum Dero & Yonetro - Sprint
Outro Music: Trixtor - Just This Once
#13N 追蹤 13N Instagram:
get familiar with中文 在 Lukas Engström【盧卡斯】 - 我已經在用新的相機!希望你們 ... 的推薦與評價
希望你們都會喜歡這個週末的中文影片! Trying to get familiar with my new camera and teleprompter(!). New Chinese video dropping this weekend! ... <看更多>