陀Damon果陣,我做左好多research, 最後我揀左 Smart Cells Hong Kong 英國寶諾臍帶血庫 幫BB儲存臍帶血及臍帶組織,因為Smart Cells 係全港唯一受英國法例監管嘅臍帶血庫,當我知道再次懷孕,當然唔駛再揀啦。
有好多準媽媽都問我,點解我地要幫bb 要儲臍帶血及臍帶組織?
BB 嘅幹細胞一生只有一次機會可以儲存,臍帶血及臍帶組織可以用於治療嚴重疾病, 譬如可以修復骨骼組織和器官細胞等。
所以Jamie 出世,當然係揀令我好放心嘅Smart Cells 啦!
.
Parenthood involves making the best choices possible for your kids. With Damon we did extensive amounts of research because we had no experience at all!
One of the best decisions we made for Damon were to bank our baby’s cord blood and cord tissue with Smart Cells Hong Kong 英國寶諾臍帶血庫
I get a lot of parents asking me why should we banks our baby’s stem cells?
Well, storing your baby’s stem cells at the time of birth is a once in a lifetime opportunity to capture a valuable resource that could be used in the treatment of serious illness or disease; ie repairing skeletal tissue and organ cells. It is possibly the most valuable gifts for your baby.
We had such a wonderful experience with Smart Cells and didn’t have to worry about a thing. Completely hassle free! Not to mention they are they only cord blood bank in Hong Kong that is licensed by the UK’s Human Tissue Authority ensuring that each step of the process is quality assured.
With that said, we really didn’t need to think twice this time with Jamie, Smart Cells once again took care of everything !
#英國寶諾臍帶血庫
#cordbloodhongkong
#全港唯一受英國法例監管
#rahsmummytips
#bestgiftforyourbaby
#makeanote
同時也有3部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅LKNim,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Join my Discord server : https://discord.gg/0i0xONQzyWB4xDT8 FB Page : https://fb.com/lknim Stream Schedule : Daily GMT+8 21:00-23:00 (Only if I’m n...
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
hong kong human resource 在 賓狗單字 Bingo Bilingual Facebook 的精選貼文
用演講學英文,再來一發!
這篇還從演講結構下去分析,專業爆表!
【 小英的哥大演講 】
前兩天蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen 總統在哥倫比亞大學Columbia University in the City of New York 的演講感動了許多人,我也一直想要跟大家好好分享對這篇講稿的心得。想歸想,但卻沒時間動筆。
一直到昨天,BBC 中文網(繁體) 有篇談這場演講的報導(後面有一小段引用了對我的訪問),然後發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 跟我在臉書上聊這件事。我們兩個雖然都很想談談這篇講稿,但週末都忙著同一件事:帶小孩(他帶他的、我帶我的)。但再不寫大概就沒人想談了,所以只好趁現在小孩睡覺後開始寫。
前天我曾經在臉書上請大家好好讀這篇講稿,中文英文都要看。有關中文的部分,朱宥勳 已經有很精彩的寫作技巧分析,大家可以去看看。
這一篇貼文會從英文文稿(這場演講是以英文進行的)跟一些比較宏觀的角度切入。
✍️為什麼是紐約?為什麼是哥大?
很多人都知道小英總統是英國倫敦政經學院的博士(好吧,有些人到現在還在懷疑),小英講英文時也有很雋永的英國腔,但大家比較容易忽略的是,紐約(美國)才是她第一個異鄉求學的地方。她當時就讀康乃爾大學Cornell University ,位於紐約州的漂亮小城Ithaca。
所以也許不難想像紐約這個大城市,在當時對一個在台北長大的乖乖牌學生,所產生的人生衝擊。小英不但順利拿到碩士學位,還考過了全美難考的紐約州律師考試(美國的律師考試是不同地方分開考的,難易不一,比較難的一般來說是紐約、芝加哥跟加州)。我想紐約對於小英來說,是充滿許多回憶的。
小英在紐約的公開演講曾說:「這是她第一次以中華民國總統的身份造訪紐約」。從這個背景來看小英的英文講稿,不難發現,前四段事實上是給紐約客(New Yorker)的溫暖起手式:
✍️Receiving an invitation to speak here from such a vanguard of free speech and diversity is actually quite an honor.
能受邀來這所以言論自由及多元包容著稱的校園座談,我實在備感榮幸。
🐶小英在演講的第一句話,就點出了紐約這城市對她的意義:言論自由、多元。
為什麼要特別講這一點?因為她當年就讀Cornell時,台灣發生了美麗島事件跟林宅血案。你可以想像,在多元自由的紐約校園,卻聽到家鄉發生重大事件,內心有多震撼。
✍️ I graduated from Cornell Law School in 1980, and I have to say, being back on a New York campus brings back many memories. Though I’m sure many of you would say that any campus outside of New York City is not really part of New York.
我在1980年畢業於康乃爾大學,再度回到久違的紐約校園,勾起我許多的回憶。雖然,或許在場有人會說,任何紐約市以外的校園都不能算是紐約。
🐶這一段是insider joke,非紐約人可能看不懂,紐約人聽到應該笑呵呵。為什麼?前面已經說了,Cornell位於紐約州的Ithaca,但不是位於紐約市內,所以這個笑話是小英的自嘲:我知道我念的學校沒有位於紐約市(New York City)內,你們一定覺得那不能算是「紐約校園」。說白了,這有點像是天龍國笑話或是「天母是天龍中的天龍」之類的。
講到這,看看哥大的臉書名稱:Columbia University in the City of New York (位於紐約市的哥倫比亞大學),不覺得很幽默嗎?這是在開其他沒有位於紐約市(也許位於紐約州)大學的玩笑。(你能想像台大的臉書名稱說「位於台北的台大」嗎?)
✍️However, I actually lived in the city in the summer of 1979, when I was doing research work for a professor at the East Asia Institute of Columbia University. Later on, I passed the New York Bar examination here, and visited the city from time to time, sometimes on my way to Washington DC for trade negotiations.
然而我在1979年夏天曾經真正住過紐約,協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。而我在通過紐約州律師考試後,就更常走訪紐約,有時是在前往華府做貿易談判時會經過紐約。
🐶接續上一段的笑點,打鐵趁熱,小英為自己的「紐約經驗」多加一點正當性。她說她當時曾經協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。哥大位於紐約市內,這下總不能說我不是紐約人了吧?
✍️Life in New York in the 1980s was eye opening for a young law student from not quite democratized Taiwan. Diversity and different perspectives were the norm, and looking out across the lecture hall today, I am glad to see that has not changed.
對一個來自當時尚未完全民主化的臺灣的法律系學生來說,1980年代的紐約生活真的令我眼界大開,多元化和不同的見解竟然才是正常。我很高興,從這講台放眼望出去,一切都如此熟悉,絲毫未曾改變。
🐶這一段,事實上講的是台灣當時還沒解嚴,而且發生了美麗島事件。小英講的委婉,沒有指名道姓,只說台灣當時尚未完全民主化。
以上四段,是非常成功的破冰(ice-breaking)。破冰是公共演講的重要技巧,做得好,能夠化解一開始的尷尬與緊張,並連結講者與聽眾的關係。開場做得好,也有助接下來的演講氣氛跟節奏的掌握。
所以好的幕僚真的很重要,也真的能讓你上天堂。幕僚寫稿的功力也在這裡,帶出個人情感(personal touch),讓老闆掌握演講節奏,這是需要專業訓練的。
✍️In the early days of our political transition, some said democracy could not survive in China’s shadow. And Taiwan is now home to a thriving democratic society and political system.
我們在政治轉型初期,很多人說在中國陰影的籠罩下,我們的民主不可能存活下來。然而,現在臺灣已然成為民主社會和政治制度蓬勃發展的居所。
🐶我喜歡survive in China's shadow這個詞的用法,這可以提醒聽眾,今日許多國家,甚至包括美國,都還在擔憂中國的銳實力(sharp power)。西方國家對於要不要禁用華為爭論不休,也可以視為一種中國的陰影。
✍️Some said a resource-poor island of only 23 million people could not become a major economic player. Yet we are now the United States’ 11th largest trade partner.
有人說,人口只有兩千三百萬而且資源匱乏的小島,無法成為經濟的主要推手,然而現在我們已經變成美國的第11大貿易夥伴了。
🐶這是很漂亮的對比,從資源匱乏的小國變成美國的重要貿易夥伴。
✍️Some said progressive values could not take root in East Asian society. Yet I stand here before you as Taiwan’s first woman president, and this year we became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.
有人說,先進的價值觀無法於東亞社會生根。但今天,我是以臺灣第一位女總統的身分站在各位面前,而今年臺灣也已經躍為亞洲第一個同婚合法的國家。
🐶progressive這個字,我習慣翻譯成「進步」,但總統府的翻譯為「先進」。這一段很生動的描繪了台灣在性別平權上的進展,對台灣的形象是很好的宣傳。
✍️In short, Taiwan’s story is one of seemingly improbable success. Many call Taiwan a “democratic miracle,” but I don’t believe in miracles. I believe in the will of the people, and their vision for a better world.
簡言之,臺灣就是在不可能的環境下成就了可能。許多人稱臺灣為「民主奇蹟」,但我不是奇蹟的信徒。我相信的是人民的意志,以及對更美好未來的願景。
🐶「奇蹟的信徒」在中文是個華麗的修辭,但英文用的是大家國中都學過的文法:believe 是相信,believe in 是信仰。有沒有 in 差很多。
✍️We are seeing this threat in action right now in Hong Kong. Faced with no channel to make their voices heard, young people are taking to the streets to fight for their democratic freedoms. And the people of Taiwan stand with them.
我們看到這個威脅正在衝擊香港,年輕人沒有管道發聲,只好走上街頭為民主自由拼搏。我們臺灣人民決心和他們站在一起。
Hong Kong’s experience under “one country, two systems” has shown the world once and for all that authoritarianism and democracy cannot coexist.
香港的「一國兩制」經驗,向世界明白揭破了獨裁和民主無法共存的事實。
🐶沒有任何一個場合,比台灣總統親自在美國談香港逃犯條例的議題更適合了。這一點我相信能贏得很多聽眾共鳴。如果真的要挑剔的話,我也許會思考一個問題:加上新疆集中營或甚至西藏議題,會不會比較好?加跟不加都各有利弊,也許文稿小組最後決定讓演講更聚焦。
✍️You begin to censor your own speech, your own thoughts. You no longer discuss current events with your friends, for fear of being overheard. You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future.
你開始審查自己的言論和想法,不再和朋友討論時事,因為害怕被竊聽,大部分時間都提心吊膽的前瞻後顧,根本無法好好面對未來。
🐶我喜歡這一段的節奏。也因為這一段,我猜測這篇講稿應該是「以英文寫成,再翻譯成中文」,而非「以中文寫成,再翻譯成英文」。為什麼?因為You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future. 用了前面跟後面的修辭。
✍️Our story is one of perseverance, of a commitment to democracy against all odds.
我們的故事是堅毅不撓的故事,是力抗萬難,堅守民主的故事。
Ours is a story of why values do still matter. The cultural and political differences across the Taiwan Strait only grow wider by the day; and each day that Taiwan chooses freedom of speech, human rights, the rule of law, is a day that we drift farther from the influences of authoritarianism.
我們的故事在訴說,為什麼核心價值如此的重要。臺海兩岸在文化及政治上的歧異日趨擴大。臺灣選擇言論自由、人權及法治的每一天,都讓我們與獨裁政權漸行漸遠。
🐶Against all odds 強調台灣民主及經濟發展難能可貴。
A story of why values do still matter. 強調台灣跟中國最大的差異:價值。
✍️Authoritarian governments seek to exploit press freedoms unique to democratic societies to sow dissent among us. They hope to make us question our political systems and lose faith in democracy.
獨裁政府企圖利用民主社會的新聞自由,在我們之間挑撥對立,要讓我們懷疑我們的政治制度,好讓我們對民主失落信心。
Taiwan has been on the frontlines of this battle for years, and we have a great deal of experiences to offer to the world.
臺灣多年來一直站在這場戰爭的前線,我們有太多經驗可以與世界分享。
🐶這一段強調台灣在全球資訊戰的價值及經驗,凸顯台灣是美國重要盟邦的重要性。
✍️But democracy faces other challenges as well, especially in the form of economic enticements with hidden strings attached.
然而民主還面臨其他挑戰,特別是暗藏算計的經濟誘惑。
🐶這在講什麼?包括中國對台灣的統戰,也包括中國對其他國家的一帶一路及所帶來的債權陷阱(debt trap)。
✍️So to all the people who ask me how to make the choice between democracy and economic growth, I say the choice is clear: the two are inseparable.
很多人問我如何在民主與經濟成長之間作出抉擇,我的答案很清楚,就是:兩者密不可分。
History tells us that democracies are strongest when united, and weakest when divided.
歷史告訴我們,民主國家團結時最強,分裂時最弱。
🐶這邊改寫了英文寫作常用的名言錦句:United we stand, divided we fall。寫得很漂亮,沒話說。
😄😄😄
我只挑了一些段落跟大家分享,希望大家喜歡,也算是完成發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 交代給我的任務。
忘了說,哥大的黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授是小英這次訪紐約的靈魂人物,他是友台派中國通的祖師爺級人物,台灣許多教授及政治人物都上過他的課。我在清大就讀中國研究碩士時,Andy(我們都這麼稱呼他)也來清大上過短期講座,現在回想起來,當時能在新竹上他的課真的太幸福了(畢竟清大不在紐約市,學費也不能跟長春藤盟校相比😂)。
半夜兩點了,來睏。(發文的霎那,螢幕跳出喬帥擊敗費爸的新聞,我整個錯過了比賽....😭)
Ps. 本篇文章謝謝打油詩人給我一些靈感,但如果有寫錯的地方,文責當然自負。
(本篇引用的中英文講稿內容來自中華民國總統府官網)
護台胖犬 劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball (老狗追球)
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