Please Stand with Hong Kongers. 🙏🙏🙏🙏
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・・・
Chanting slogans like “Liberate Hong Kong,” thousands of people in Hong Kong flouted a police ban on Thursday as they gathered to memorialize the Tiananmen Square massacre, a striking display of defiance against Beijing’s tightening grip on the territory.
The public displays of anger and grief took on greater meaning this year amid a push by China to impose broad new security measures that take direct aim at the semiautonomous territory’s antigovernment demonstrations. In what critics see as the government’s latest attempt to curb dissent, Hong Kong on Thursday passed a law making it a crime to mock China’s national anthem.
On every June 4 since 1990, huge crowds in Hong Kong have joined in a vigil to remember the loss of lives, and the loss of ideals, in Tiananmen Square in 1989, when Chinese tanks and soldiers crushed a monthslong protest in Beijing calling for democratic changes to China’s one-party rule.
This year, for the first time, Hong Kong officials banned the annual vigil, in an effort, they said, to curb the spread of the coronavirus.
Tap the link in our bio to read the latest in this developing story. Photo by @lamyikfei.
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以下係我已經喺WhatsApp收咗三次嘅前高等法院英女王御用大律師,Henry Litton (列顕倫)* QC ;給香港市民的一封信:~ (裏便了無新意, 不過有兩個好處. 1) 洋人寫係唔同啲, 仲要係有名望嘅大法官, 特別有說服力 2)啲英文寫得好靚, 仲有中文翻譯可以學習英文。
Henry Litton (列顕倫)* QC was the Judge of the highest Court in Hong Kong. He retired in 2015.
英女皇御用大律師列顕倫(亨利·利頓)QC,是香港最高法院的法官。他於2015年退休。
The following is what he’s written...
以下是他寫的。
There are few certainties in life. One of them is this: The common law system underpinning Hong Kong’s “core values” is destined to expire in 27 years’ time. The One Country Two Systems formula was designed to last for 50 years and no more. Hence Article 5 of the Basic Law. There is no mechanism in the Basic Law for the system to continue beyond 30 June 2047.
生活中很少有確定性。其中之一是:支撐香港“核心價值”的普通法制度將在27年後失效。一國兩制方案的設計時限是50年,之後,再也沒有了。因此,“基本法”第五條清楚指出。2047年6月30日以後,“基本法”中沒有任何機制讓這制度繼續下去。
All the calls for Freedom, Democracy etc have no meaning if the common law crumbles.
如果普通法崩潰,所有要求“自由、民主”等的呼籲都是沒有意義。
If the protesters truly value their professed aims, *their focus should be on demonstrating to Beijing and to the rest of the world that the One Country Two Systems formula works, and to promote an atmosphere in which Beijing feels comfortable with the system – and when the time comes, to extend the Basic Law for another 50 years, 100 years*. Then liberal democratic norms and values might have a chance to flourish.
如果抗議者真的誠心誠意的重視他們宣稱的目標,*他們的重點、重心,應該是向北京和世界其他地方展示“一國兩制”的方案是有效的,並推展“一國兩制”的成功實施。令北京對這一制度感到寛心舒泰的環境下 - 當時機成熟時,說服北京將“基本法”再延長50年,100年*。那麼,自由、民主的模式、準則和價值觀還可能有延續蓬勃、活躍的機會。
Crunch time is not 27 years away. It is just round the corner. For Hong Kong to continue as one of the world’s greatest financial and trading centres, planning for the future must necessarily look 20 -30 years ahead. So the hard question will soon be asked: is the common law system to continue beyond June 2047 ? The answer lies in Beijing and nowhere else.
擔心不安的時刻不是27年後的事。就在拐角處。要使香港繼續成為世界上最大的金融和貿易中心之一,對未來的規劃必須著眼於未來20-30年。因此,我們很快便會提出一個棘手的問題:普通法制度是否會延續至2047年6月以後?答案就在北京,而不是其他任何地方。
The last time this issue arose – back in 1982 – Hong Kong had the backing of Great Britain. This time Hong Kong stands alone. And, up to this point, Hong Kong has demonstrated for all the world to see that the One Country Two Systems formula is extremely fragile: and, if the unrest continues, it would surely fracture beyond any hope of recall.
回顧1982年,上一次被問到這個問題的時候,當時香港是得到了大英帝國的支持。而這一次,香港只能孤掌難鳴。到目前為止,香港已經向全世界展示了“一國兩制”這方案是極其脆弱的:如果動亂繼續下去,它肯定會褫奪,無望地被撤銷。
It is beyond the power of the Hong Kong SAR government to devise the governing model for the future. Pressing the Hong Kong government to promote greater democracy is futile. Rightly or wrongly, that power lies in Beijing. Nowhere else. Hong Kong enjoys freedoms found nowhere else in China. To think that unlawful assemblies and demonstrations, and violence in the streets, would soften Beijing’s attitude towards Hong Kong is absurd. Common sense suggests it would have the opposite effect.
為未來設計治理模式,是超出了香港特別行政區政府的權力範圍。要迫使香港政府促進更大的民主是徒勞的。不管是你喜歡也好。不喜歡也好。權力就是在北京。沒有別的地方了。香港現在享有中國其他地方沒有的自由。認為非法集會示威和街頭暴力會軟化北京的對香港的態度是荒謬的。常識表明,它只會產生相反的效果。
But there are deep social issues which the SAR government can redress, having regard in particular to the huge foreign currency reserves it holds:USD425 billion – by far the largest in the world, enough to guarantee public servants’ pensions hundreds of times over. And yet Hong Kong’s social services are crumbling, hospitals are understaffed, public education is poor, teachers are ill-paid, young people cannot afford to rent even the most substandard apartment, the gap between rich and poor is ever-widening.
但是,有一些深層次的社會問題是特區政府可以解決的,特別是考慮到特區政府擁有世界上最龐大的外匯儲備:4,250億美元 - 是政府公務員的長俸所需要的保證金額的數以百倍。然而,香港的社會服務卻每況愈下,醫院人手不足,全民所需的教育不論在質素及資源都極差,教師薪酬偏低。年輕人怎都難以負擔租用即使是最不合標準的居所,社會上,貧富差距在不斷拉大。
The laissez-faire policy of the colonial government has been carried to extremes by the SAR government in the past 20-odd years. The rich have prospered in the meanwhile whilst the bulk of the people suffered. The influx of Mainlanders under the One-Way Permit system has caused great strain on all services. The people’s needs have been neglected. The young see little prospect of a fulfilling future and even university graduates find difficulty in meaningful employment.
大英帝國殖民地政府的自由放任政策在過去二十多年來一直被特區政府極端化。與此同時,大多數富人們卻在此期間更加繁榮昌盛、更加富裕起來,而相反普通市民却受苦了。在單程證制度下,內地人士大量湧入,對所有服務造成更大壓力。市民的需求、需要被忽視。年輕人看不出有向上游、向上流的任何富圖的希望。甚至大學畢業生也很難找到有合識、合意的工作。
These, I suggest, are the deep-seated ills which sustain the fire of discontent in the wider community, and bring hundreds of thousands to march in the streets. These are not matters which a commission of inquiry can resolve.
我認為,這些水深火熱的社會問題及弊病,這些憤懣之火已經廣泛地蔓延在整個社會,並促使數以十萬人走上街頭。這些都不是一個所謂諮詢委員會可以解決。
The media here is full of Hong Kong stories, and of course footage of the riotous behaviour on the streets: what empty slogans, meaningless rhetoric the protesters display ……….In watching these events I am reminded of the prayer attributed to Saint Francis:
今天的媒體充斥著不同形式的香港事件,當然有街頭暴力行為的鏡頭:抗議者們展示的空洞口號和毫無意義的粗言穢語。…當我在觀看這些事件時,‘我想起聖弗朗西斯的禱告:
Pray God give me the courage to change the things I can change, the fortitude to bear the things I cannot change, and the wisdom to know the difference.
願上帝賜給我勇氣去改變我能改變的事情,給我勇氣去承受那些我無法改變的事情,給我智慧去分辨其中的黑白。
I arrive in Hong Kong Thursday 24 October, staying for one month.
我在今年的10月24日星期四抵達香港,逗留一個月。
As ever
如常,祝願香港
H
列顕倫
PS Please feel free to convey these observations to anyone you chose ………….They are *not confidential*.
歡迎隨時將我這些意見傳達給你所選擇的任何人.此文是*不保密的*。
huge slogans meaning 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
NowThis Interview Transcript
April 18
Host: Can you tell us a little bit about what the Umbrella Protest or UmbrellaMovement is? And why is it important?
Joshua: Before the handover of HK, China promised HK to achieve universal suffrage - let every Hongkonger have one person one vote. However, since1997 until now, we have waited 19 years already. We have realised that it was a fake promise, that’s why two years ago when the Communist party of China ignored our demand, our request on having a universal suffrage, we tried to throw demonstrations, assembly and finally civil disobedience and occupying action to show our disagreement and demand on universal suffrage, and hope to let the world know that Hong Kong people wants real election.
Host: That time in 2014, was there any result came from the Umbrella Movement?
Joshua: Luckily we can let the world know that Hong Kong is not only a global financial centre, Hong Kong is a city in which many people live, and we hope to have better human rights and achieve the universal value. Unfortunately, although we have 200 thousands of people occupying the road for 79 days, Beijing still did not accept our demand.
Host: At what point did you realise that the movement was going to be huge? It’s hard to anticipate that millions of people were going to come…
Joshua: Actually before the Umbrella Movement, I didn’t expect we would occupy the road and show the persistence to voice out our demand of democracy by civil obedience and such a large scale movement. We believe that Hongkongers have created history and we let the world know our persistence. Everything is out of expectation, including the attitude of the Communist Party. However, I would like to let the people in America know that even two years ago during the Occupying Movement, we couldn’t force the government to let us regain universal suffrage. We are still committed to movements, Hong Kong is the place where we live and we love, and we will still try our best to commit to movements, despite of the price we need to pay, until we can get direct election, one person one vote.
Host: I don’t think that everyone is familiar with maybe the differences, what’s happening in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Would you be able to explain how life is different in those two places, especially for young people?
Joshua: Hong Kong is different from Mainland China, because we have rule of law, judicial independence. We can still have freedom of speech and free access to different websites, for example, people cannot visit Facebook, Youtube, Twitter and Google websites in Mainland China. Hong Kong is one of the special administrative regions under the rule of People’s Republic of China, that’s why we still have rule of law. However, the core value in Hong Kong has been eroded continuously by Beijing.
Host: Could you explain the power of the young people in this movement? It seems that a lot of political parties even now started by young people including yourself. So tell us a little bit about the power of youth in this movement.
Joshua: Most of the youth think that politics is the thing that belongs to people after graduating from universities and that 30 to 40 years old is the starting point of people to be involved in politics. However, the situation we face in Hong Kong is different - teenagers join student strikes at 13 years old, they join civil disobedience at 14, they hold slogans, wear masks and face pepper spray and tear gas at the age of 15, but they will still commit by direct actions, even in the future they may political prosecution. Actually I am now forming a political party named as Demosistō, in which “Demo” means the people, “sistō” means persistence and resistance. We hope to show the people’s resistance towards the ruler of China, so we form the party and demand for self-determination.
Host: You were saying how young people were facing pepper spray and things like that. I know that’s a fact that faced by you personally as well, can you talk about any prosecution you are currently facing?
Joshua: I am facing the inciting of unauthorised assembly, contempt of court and obstructing police officer. Some of the trials have started already, and the most serious one is inciting an unauthorised assembly, because even we enjoy freedom of speech in Hong Kong, we don’t have the rights to freely organise assembly, as we only have approximation of freedom and things seem to be moving backward. The trial of inciting an unauthorised assembly will end in June, meaning that I will know whether I am convicted or not, and the penalty after two months. The maximum penalty of that is to put into prison for five years. I don’t know what would be the trial result, but despite of the price that I need to pay, I still hope the world know that Hongkongers are still committed to fighting for democracy and self-determination. It is not easy for us, but we will try our best until we get the things that originally belong to us.
Host: That’s the age that… you know most of us got to go to college and do all these things…
Joshua: I am still a year 2 university student studying Politics…
Host: So are you scared and how do you feel about potentially having to face prison time until you are 24?
Joshua: It is not easy - my number, my address and other personal information are public on the internet, and I can’t enter Mainland China. Last year when a non-governmental organisation from Malaysia invited me to give a speech, the immigration department told me that I had to return to Hong Kong when I arrived at the Malaysia airport. The Malaysian official claimed that they rejected me to enter because I would affect their country’s relationship with Mainland China. It’s ridiculous and in no sense that my visit would affect its relationship with China. So I think it’s never an easy thing for us, to form a political party, to face trials, it’s really a long-term battle for us. However, what we concern the most is the future of Hong Kong, because we still have rule of law and judicial independence under One Country Two Systems. The problem is, after the expiry date of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 2047, after the end of Basic Law, after the end of One Country Two Systems, will Hong Kong suddenly change to One Country One System? Will Hong Kong become a normal city in China like Guangzhou, Shenzhen and Shanghai? The new generation are worried about the rule of law and judicial independence being continuously eroded by Beijing. We still hope to maintain the uniqueness of Hong Kong which differentiates us from China.
Host: There’s been some criticism from students from Mainland China, and there’s some general criticism about street activism as an approach, do you have any comments on street activism versus political? I know you are doing both now…
Joshua: I think I will emphasis on two points. Firstly, if Hongkongers could successfully achieve democracy just through negotiations, dialogues and meetings, maybe while I was just a primary school student in around 2007 to 2008, we could have universal suffrage and choose our chief executive by one person one vote in our city. However, history has proven that negotiations and private, closed-door meetings are not effective. That’s why, from assembly to rally, and to civil disobedience and direct actions - that’s the trend for us to upgrade as progressive actions. Another point is people may criticise me as starting off from street protesting and question my reason to enter the legislature by running in the election. I can’t enter the election because the minimum age to run in the election in Hong Kong is 21, and I am just 19. People also ask why I form the political party - because I realise that the road to democracy is really a long-term battle, the challenges we have to face may come after 30 years, like what I have mentioned, after the expiry date of One Country Two Systems. That’s why we hope to ensure that Hong Kong can get the right of self-determination, we hope we can throw a referendum to decide the future of the city, no matter it’s One Country One System, to maintain the self- governance and autonomy under One Country Two Systems, or even independence. We hope to determine the future of Hong Kong through referendum instead of relying on the Communist Party.
Host: So why did you decide to move to the political sphere before you know you could even necessarily be a face of it?
Joshua: It’s not an easy decision and the price that I need to pay is high. The reason for me to commit and even form the party is that…I think that..If organising a student organisation is not able for me to be ready, to prepare for self-determination movement in the coming ten years, the only suitable form of organisation is a political party. If we claim that we need to fight in the next ten years and achieve the demand for self-determination, hoping to get the general public’s support from Hong Kong, and more importantly, the international community endorsing the right to self-determination of HongKongers, forming a political party is the only way for us to prepare for the long-term battle.
Host: Right…So you have been on this journey since you were 17…
Joshua: 14 actually…
Host: 14?
Joshua: I founded student organisation Scholarism when I was 14 years old.
Host: So throughout this journey of protest, arrests and lawsuits, what has been the most rewarding part of the process for you and why do you keep fighting?
Joshua: The most unforgettable scene of participating in social movements in the past five years is how we change the impossibles to possibles. I think it’s the most significant part that gives me the motivation to commit and continue moving forward to fight for democracy and freedom. What I mean is, two years ago, before the Umbrella Movement just started, I was arrested and had to stay in police station for 46 hours. During the period, thousands of Hongkongers went to the Cental Government Offices to support students, they were not afraid of the pepper spray and tear gas. The activist still persist on non-violent means to show their disagreement towards the government and the police. After I was released by the police, I walked out of the door of the police station, and realised that everything in the city had changed, Hong Kong had changed. In the past, people might o
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