The Mufti, Dr Nazirudin Nasir, wrote to me to express Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (Muis)’s support for the Government’s deliberations on letting nurses wear the tudung. I replied to him, thanking Muis for their support.
On sensitive issues involving race and religion, our practice is to engage behind closed doors, so that we can all talk candidly and honestly, and understand the problem from different perspectives.
In Singapore we treat everyone equally, regardless of race, language or religion. We seek to build a national identity shared by all communities, while enabling every community to practise their own faith and way of life. Through mutual accommodation, compromise and trust building, we have succeeded in living harmoniously together.
As our society evolves, so too will social attitudes and norms. But any changes to the balance we have achieved must be carefully considered. Ultimately the changes must strengthen, not weaken, our racial and religious harmony.
I am grateful to Muis for their efforts to strengthen our social cohesion, and achieve progress for the Muslim society and all Singaporeans.
I have shared the Mufti’s letter and my reply here. – LHL
===
Mufti Negara, Dr Nazirudin Nasir, telah menulis kepada saya melahirkan sokongan terhadap perbincangan Pemerintah mengenai kemungkinan untuk membenarkan jururawat memakai tudung. Saya telah membalas surat beliau dan mengucapkan terima kasih atas sokongan Muis.
Bagi isu-isu sensitif yang menyentuh soal kaum dan agama, lazimnya, kita mengadakan perbincangan secara tertutup bersama anggota masyarakat dan juga pihak-pihak lain. Ini supaya kita semua boleh berkongsi pandangan dengan jujur dan terus terang, faham perspektif lain mengenai isu tersebut dan berbincang dari hati ke hati.
Di Singapura, kita berlaku adil kepada semua pihak tanpa mengira kaum, bahasa atau agama. Kita mahu membina identiti negara yang dikongsi oleh semua lapisan masyarakat, yang membolehkan setiap kaum mengamalkan cara hidup dan kepercayaan masing-masing. Dengan mengamalkan sikap bertolak ansur, saling menghormati dan mempercayai antara satu sama lain, kita telah berjaya menikmati kehidupan yang aman damai bersama.
Apabila negara kita berubah dan berkembang, begitu juga sikap dan norma masyarakat. Namun setiap perubahan yang kita lakukan mesti dipertimbangkan dengan teliti dan berhati-hati. Akhirnya, perubahan yang kita buat harus memperkukuh keharmonian kaum dan agama kita dan bukan melemahkannya.
Saya menghargai pelbagai usaha Muis untuk memperteguh perpaduan sosial kita demi mencapai kemajuan bagi masyarakat Islam setempat dan semua rakyat Singapura.
Anda boleh baca surat Mufti dan surat balas daripada saya di sini. – LHL
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過8,320的網紅Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Campus TV, HKUSU Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/hkucampustv 「凡是渴望在這個遺忘之島上尋找意義與故鄉的人必須勇敢承擔思想、記憶與認同的重量。」──吳叡人 香港民族位處於中國邊陲,努力尋找屬於自己的身份和歷史。香港大學學...
「language and social identity」的推薦目錄:
language and social identity 在 Ken's Portable Classroom Facebook 的最佳解答
🔔 購買筆記的學員,別忘了完成匯款程序哦!然後記得要私訊您的寄件資料,避免日後造成不必要的誤會哦!
但是,請不要將您的匯款資訊留言在貼文底下,避免個資外洩。而且,我可能也會漏接您訊息。
🚚 筆記下週印刷完成,就會陸續出貨,我會每天很努力的寄給大家,期望兩週內使命必達,如果遲到了幾天請原諒我 🙏
訊息我都會回覆,大家要等等。
📰 今天我們來讀讀【華爾街日報】
🖐🏽 五分鐘來關心國際時事— 中國內蒙古 🇨🇳
📰 China Cracks Down on Mongols Who Say Their Culture Is Being Snuffed Out
Inner Mongolia’s ethnic minority fears Beijing’s education policies are phasing out local history and literature, erasing its culture
📌 這篇文章是關於中國管治蒙古族人(Mongol),標題用了兩個很形象的片語:crack down on 和 snuff out,phase out是個很常用的片語。教育 (education)、歷史 (history)、文學 (literature) 和文化 (culture) 是基本詞彙。
HONG KONG—Chinese authorities are searching for protesters in Inner Mongolia after a new policy aimed at pushing Mandarin-language education across the region sparked widespread unrest among the country’s ethnic Mongols, with many angered by what they saw as a move to erase their culture.
📌 這段告訴讀者在内蒙古 (Inner Mongolia) 推動普通話教育 (Mandarin-language education) 引發廣泛不安定 (spark widespread unrest),中國當局 (Chinese authorities) 正在尋找 (search for) 示威者 (protester)。
Thousands of students in Inner Mongolia have taken to the streets during the past week to rally against the government’s three-year plan to push Mandarin-language education across the northern region and phase out local history, literature and ethnic textbooks in favor of national coursebooks, according to rights group Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center.
Parents are also refusing to send their children to school in defiance of the new policy, said the New York-based human-rights center in a report earlier this week, while unverified videos of demonstrators protesting outside schools have circulated on Chinese social media.
📌 這兩段進一步交代示威的細節:幾千名學生團結反對 (rally against) 政府推動普通話教育的三年計劃 (three-year plan)。他們擔心國家教程書 (national coursebook)取締種族教科書 (ethnic textbook)。父母也拒絕 (refuse)送子女到學校。
Under President Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party has intensified efforts to promote Mandarin and push the country’s ethnic minorities to adopt a uniform Chinese identity. In Inner Mongolia, where the number of schools that teach in Mongolian has dwindled over the years, the latest move to roll out Mandarin-language instruction has raised fears that it could be the end for a minority language already at risk of fading away.
📌 中國共產黨 (the Chinese Communist Party) 增强 (intensify) 努力推廣 (promote) 普通話和推動國内的少數民族 (ethnic minorities) 採取劃一的中國人身份 (uniform Chinese identity)。
“The Mongolians consider this as the ‘final blow’ to their culture and identity,” said Enghebatu Togochog, director of the human-rights center. Language is one of the last strands tying Mongols to their traditional way of life, which has steadily eroded under Chinese rule, he said.
The Inner Mongolia propaganda department didn’t immediately respond to a faxed request for comment.
📌 蒙古人認爲這是對他們的文化和身份的最後一擊 (final blow),因為語言 (language) 是與傳統生活方式 (traditional way of life) 的聯繫。
Local authorities have moved swiftly to quell the protests. On Wednesday, police in Tongliao, a city in eastern Inner Mongolia, took the unusual step of publishing photos through an official social media account of 90 people who were suspected of “picking quarrels and stirring up trouble,” terms often used to describe protests.
📌 地方政府 (local authorities) 已經迅速 (swiftly) 壓制 (quell) 示威。警方罕見地在官方社交媒體帳戶(official social media account)發佈 攪局 (stir up trouble) 人士的照片 (publish … photos) 。
未完待續...
📰 全文請至
https://reurl.cc/n01QO1
📰 作者
Eva Xiao
📰 訂閱請至
https://bit.ly/3j82Q3W
💁🏻♂️ 每日多了解一些國際時事,豐富您的世界觀,邊看新聞邊學英語,語言能力更上一層樓!
😅 這個月太忙了,明信片抽獎先暫停一個月,請各位學員見諒!
🎊上則貼文中獎名單
📮 Yumin Chen
📮 Cherry Baba
📮 Elley Cheng
(請私訊您的真實姓名 + 電話+地址,之前得過明信片的學員請告知國家,避免重複)
🎁 領獎期限: 09/12 20:00
language and social identity 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導,來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙:丹麥Weekendavisen,題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會,前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者,我也在其中,雖然只是每人一句,加在一起,卻有了很完整的圖像。
以下為英譯:
Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.
A world on the barricades
At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.
At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."
For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?
Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.
With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.
Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.
"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.
Economic powerlessness
Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.
According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.
'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.
The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.
Triggered by trifles
In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.
In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.
“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.
Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.
“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.
The authoritarian wave
Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.
Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.
“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.
"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.
"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.
Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.
“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.
"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.
Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.
The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.
"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."
language and social identity 在 Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視 Youtube 的最佳貼文
Campus TV, HKUSU Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/hkucampustv
「凡是渴望在這個遺忘之島上尋找意義與故鄉的人必須勇敢承擔思想、記憶與認同的重量。」──吳叡人
香港民族位處於中國邊陲,努力尋找屬於自己的身份和歷史。香港大學學生會特意邀請了《想象的共同體:民族主義的起源和散佈》譯者吳叡人先生為我們分享,透過比較沖繩、香港及台灣民族主義的興起和流變,引發我們對於「自我」與「他者」的思辨。
日期:二零一五年四月二十一日(星期二)
地點:百週年校園LG.08室
時間:晚上六時至九時(五時半登記入場)
講題:沖繩、香港及台灣的民族主義興起
名額:150人
語言:國語(大會將提供英語即時傳譯)
講者:吳叡人
台灣桃園人,畢業於臺灣大學政治系、芝加哥大學政治系博士,專攻比較政治和政治理論等範疇。吳老師為《想象的共同體:民族主義的起源和散佈》的譯者,早年任職日本早稻田大學政治經濟學部講座教授,現任中央研究院臺灣史研究所副研究員。
主持:李啟迪
學苑前專題編輯、《香港民族論》的作者之一,現就讀香港大學社會科學學院,雙主修政治與公共行政和歷史。
‘He who desires to pursue meaning and origins on this island of oblivion must bear the weight of thoughts, memories, and recognition.’—Dr Wu Rwei-ren
At the periphery of China, the Hong Kong nationality has been pursuing our own identity and history. HKUSU has now invited Dr Wu Rwei-ren, the translator of ‘Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism’, to share his thoughts on such issue. A comparison of the rise and change of nationalism among Okinawa, Hong Kong, and Taiwan shall surely inspire our thoughts on the meaning of ‘ourselves’ and ‘the others’.
Date: 21 April 2015
Venue: LG.08, Centennial Campus
Time: 6:00 p.m.–9:00 p.m.
Topic: The Rise of Nationalism in Okinawa, Hong Kong, and Taiwan
Seats: 150
Language: Mandarin (instant English interpretation will be provided)
Guest speaker: Dr Wu Rwei-ren
From Taoyuan, Taiwan, Dr Wu graduated from the Department of Political Science at the National Taiwan University and earned his doctoral degree from the University of Chicago in politics with a research focus on comparative politics and political theory. As the translator of ‘Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism’, he was formerly the Chair Professor at the School of Political Science and Economics at the Waseda University, Japan. He is currently the associate research fellow at the Institute of Taiwan History of the Academia Sinica.
Host: Mr Lee Kai-tik, Jack
Mr Lee is a former Feature Editor of Undergrad, HKUSU and one of the writers of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’. He is a student from the Faculty of Social Sciences of HKU and is currently majoring in Politics and Public Administration and History.
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