今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅Lukas Engström,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Why is Taiwan Government Giving Foreigners Money?! 00:00 - Intro 00:47 - Masks Mandatory in Taiwan? 2:48 - US invading Taiwan? 4:10 - Taiwanese = Chi...
mandatory中文 在 Claudia Mo/毛孟靜 Facebook 的最佳貼文
咩強制自我檢疫
形同虛設 #a #sham
———————-
明報英文 毛孟靜
//政府早前宣布,所有由大陸來港的人都要強制檢疫。原來,所謂強制並非真的強制(compulsory、mandatory),而係靠自律(self-discipline)。
事實是,抵埗之後即可以自行乘車離開,基本上去哪兒都沒問題。After arrival, you can take any transport to go home or practically any other destination, unguarded.
《明報》有這樣的相關報道:「有人明言不會遵守檢疫令,照常上班;另有夫婦返家途中到街市買菜,未有於兩小時限期內返抵住所。」Some made it clear that they wouldn’t comply with the quarantine order, and would go back to work as usual; there was also a couple who went shopping at a wet market on their way, failing to get home within the two-hour time limit.
有官員解釋:It’s quarantine, not isolation,是檢疫,不是隔離。如此說來,所謂強制檢疫(mandatory quarantine),說到底不過是自律隔離( self-disciplined isolation)罷了。也即是說,整個機制形同虛設:It's a sham mechanism.
Sham,a thing that is not what it is purported to be,並非如聲稱中真實的東西,一般會譯做虛幻,可作名詞或形容詞。另例:
* Hong Kong's pro-democracy protesters call the "one country, two system" promise a sham. 香港的民主抗爭者認為一國兩制承諾只屬虛幻。
視乎上文下理,用英文講形同虛設,另一些選擇是:
* It's a mere pretence. 不過是裝個樣子。
* It's a feigned setup. 這是一個騙局
* It exists in name only. 亦即等於中文的「有名無實」。
面對一場嚴重疫症,林鄭政府的取態給詬病為not preventive( 非防禦性),not even interactive,甚至不是互動的,而是純粹reactive、passive(被動的)。出事了,就去回應、籌措一下,惹來一些嚴厲批評。《彭博商業周刊》網站一篇評論Hong Kong Is Showing Symptoms of a Failed State 有這兩句話:
* A fragile state is usually defined by its inability to protect citizens, to provide basic services and by questions over the legitimacy of its government. 脆弱政權的一般定義是:未能保護公民、未能提供基本服務,以及管治合法性受到質疑。
* After an epidemic and months of poorly handled pro-democracy demonstrations, Hong Kong is ticking most of those boxes. 經過一場疫症及連月來處理民主抗爭的失誤,香港政府符合大部分條件。
這篇評論的附圖,見一家超市內的貨架都被一掃而空,文字說明道:It's not Kinshasa or Caracas. But it doesn't look much like a global financial centre either.這不是(剛果首都)金沙薩,也不是(委內瑞拉首都)加拉加斯。但看起來也不像世界金融中心(香港)。//
mandatory中文 在 Claudia Mo/毛孟靜 Facebook 的精選貼文
咩強制自我檢疫
形同虛設 #a #sham
———————-
明報英文 毛孟靜
//政府早前宣布,所有由大陸來港的人都要強制檢疫。原來,所謂強制並非真的強制(compulsory、mandatory),而係靠自律(self-discipline)。
事實是,抵埗之後即可以自行乘車離開,基本上去哪兒都沒問題。After arrival, you can take any transport to go home or practically any other destination, unguarded.
《明報》有這樣的相關報道:「有人明言不會遵守檢疫令,照常上班;另有夫婦返家途中到街市買菜,未有於兩小時限期內返抵住所。」Some made it clear that they wouldn’t comply with the quarantine order, and would go back to work as usual; there was also a couple who went shopping at a wet market on their way, failing to get home within the two-hour time limit.
有官員解釋:It’s quarantine, not isolation,是檢疫,不是隔離。如此說來,所謂強制檢疫(mandatory quarantine),說到底不過是自律隔離( self-disciplined isolation)罷了。也即是說,整個機制形同虛設:It's a sham mechanism.
Sham,a thing that is not what it is purported to be,並非如聲稱中真實的東西,一般會譯做虛幻,可作名詞或形容詞。另例:
* Hong Kong's pro-democracy protesters call the "one country, two system" promise a sham. 香港的民主抗爭者認為一國兩制承諾只屬虛幻。
視乎上文下理,用英文講形同虛設,另一些選擇是:
* It's a mere pretence. 不過是裝個樣子。
* It's a feigned setup. 這是一個騙局
* It exists in name only. 亦即等於中文的「有名無實」。
面對一場嚴重疫症,林鄭政府的取態給詬病為not preventive( 非防禦性),not even interactive,甚至不是互動的,而是純粹reactive、passive(被動的)。出事了,就去回應、籌措一下,惹來一些嚴厲批評。《彭博商業周刊》網站一篇評論Hong Kong Is Showing Symptoms of a Failed State 有這兩句話:
* A fragile state is usually defined by its inability to protect citizens, to provide basic services and by questions over the legitimacy of its government. 脆弱政權的一般定義是:未能保護公民、未能提供基本服務,以及管治合法性受到質疑。
* After an epidemic and months of poorly handled pro-democracy demonstrations, Hong Kong is ticking most of those boxes. 經過一場疫症及連月來處理民主抗爭的失誤,香港政府符合大部分條件。
這篇評論的附圖,見一家超市內的貨架都被一掃而空,文字說明道:It's not Kinshasa or Caracas. But it doesn't look much like a global financial centre either.這不是(剛果首都)金沙薩,也不是(委內瑞拉首都)加拉加斯。但看起來也不像世界金融中心(香港)。//
mandatory中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的最讚貼文
Why is Taiwan Government Giving Foreigners Money?!
00:00 - Intro
00:47 - Masks Mandatory in Taiwan?
2:48 - US invading Taiwan?
4:10 - Taiwanese = Chinese?!
5:42 - Why is Taiwan government giving 元元 money?!
7:04 - Christmas is coming
08:52 - Don't forget to subscribe ❤️
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mandatory中文 在 巴哈姆特電玩瘋 Youtube 的最佳解答
由「PSYCHO-PASS 心靈判官」動畫原班人馬擔綱製作與演出的改編遊戲作品,就在Xbox One上登場囉,而且還是以全中文化的形態獨佔推出!
「巴哈姆特電玩瘋」由巴哈姆特製作、小嫻配音
內容為每週遊戲綜合整理報導、各類遊戲專題、
電玩相關的外景單元等。
有意播映的電玩專賣店或是有意洽談合作的廠商,
可來信至crazy@gamer.com.tw 與專人聯絡。
mandatory中文 在 mandatory中文, mandatory是什麼意思:命令的… - 查查在線詞典 的相關結果
adj. 命令的,訓令的;委任的,委托的(upon); 〔美國〕強迫的,義務性質的。 mandatory administration [rule] 委托管理。 a mandatory power 受托管理國。 ... <看更多>
mandatory中文 在 mandatory 的中文翻譯| 英漢字典 的相關結果
mandatory (a.)命令的,託管的. ... <看更多>
mandatory中文 在 mandatory中文(繁體)翻譯:劍橋詞典 的相關結果
The minister is calling for mandatory prison sentences for people who assault police officers. 部長呼籲把襲警者須受的懲罰定為強制監禁。 ... <看更多>