毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
(案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)
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「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下:
2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!
在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?
社會之病根
對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。
最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
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#相似詞語辨析2
a great deal, a great many
這一對短語都表示“許多”、“大量”之意,涵義並無區別,主要是用法不同。
A great deal 常與不可數名詞連用;a great many則與可數名詞的複數形式連用,它們的區別與 much 和 many 的區別相同。
A great deal 的後面接名詞時要加 of; a great many則不用of。a great deal(或many)和 a good deal(或many)通用, 但前者的語氣比後者重。在口語裏,常用a deal 代替 a great (of good) deal。
As the new year is approaching, we have a great deal of preparation work to do.
隨着新年即將來到,我們有大量的預備工作要做。
The High Island Reservoir can store a great deal of water.
萬宜水庫能蓄藏大量的水。
There are a great many trees and flowers in the botanical garden.
植物公園裏有許多樹木和花草。
He has contributed a great many articles on education to the South China Morning Post.
他為《南華早報》撰寫了許多有關教育方面的文章。
順便講一句,a lot of 也表示“許多”、“大量”的意思,但它比較口語化,其後既可接可數名詞,又可接不可數名詞。例如: a lot of books (letters, flies): a lot of time (money, work) 。
另一點值得注意的是, plenty 與 a lot, a great deal, a large amount 的涵義有所不同。plenty 突出表示“足夠”之意,但它所指的東西並不一定很多。例如,某人準備坐火車去深圳,他看了看錶,說道:“We've plenty of time”。他的意思是“現在到九龍火車站還有足夠的時間,不必着急”,這裏所指的“足夠”時間可能是一刻鐘,而不是一兩個小時。又如,有個遠方客人來探望你,你想留他吃頓便飯,但不知道是否有菜,你把食櫥打開一看,說道:“Oh, we've plenty of food”。這裏的plenty也是表示“足夠”之意,菜不一定很多,可能只有一兩碟菜,但已足夠招待客人吃頓便飯了。
最後尚需補充一句,a great deal還可用作狀語。例:Our patient is a great deal better today.
我們的病人今天好多了。
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[Paris pastry / 巴黎甜點] Nicolas Paciello 主廚(Fouquet’s)的聖誕節蛋糕創作 / Yule log 2019 of Nicolas Paciello for Fouquet’s (for English, please click “see more”)
前兩天應邀參加 Hôtel Barrière Le Fouquet's Paris 的下午茶體驗,今年九月剛剛離開 Hotel Prince de Galles 加入 Fouquet’s 的甜點主廚 Nicolas Paciello 向我們介紹他過去兩個月幾乎沒日沒夜辛勤工作的成果—— Retaurant Le Joy 的全新下午茶套餐以及今年的聖誕節蛋糕。
1899 年由 Louis Fouquet 創立的 Restaurant Fouquet's Paris 位於巴黎香榭麗謝與喬治五世大道交口,原本是一個酒館、餐廳。採用創始人 Fouquet 的家族姓氏,後面再加上「’s」的英美式用法,賦予它不少時髦意味。今年適逢 120 周年慶的 Fouquet’s 在巴黎是非常知名且歷史悠久的餐廳,每年被譽為「法國奧斯卡」的凱薩獎頒獎典禮餐會都是在這裡舉行,1990 年,Fouquet’s 餐廳也被列為法國歷史遺跡。1998 年,法國賭場與酒店集團 Barrier 買下 Fouquet’s 餐廳與旁邊六棟建築物、創立 Hôtel Barrier Le Fouquet’s Paris,從此 Fouquet’s 變成為一個包含豪華旅館與餐廳、酒吧的品牌,能和周遭林立的豪華酒店如 Four Seasons Hotel George V、Prince de Galles 等比肩。今年三月,位於路口的 Fouquet’s 餐廳因為黃背心運動被大肆破壞,不得不關門整修,直到七月十四日法國國慶日才重新開幕。旅館內的其他餐廳、酒吧如 Le Joy、Le Marta Paris 等也一併經過重新整修。
從隔壁 Prince de Galles 飯店轉職過來的甜點主廚 Nicolas Paciello 為 Fouquet’s 的 Le Joy 餐廳設計了「two courses」的下午茶套餐(48€ /人,含一杯熱飲,另有含一杯香檳的版本€58 / 人):第一道是包含三明治等鹹點與 scones、cookies(美式餅乾果然很紅吧!)、法式小點心 petit fours 的三層架,第二道則是三樣主廚精選甜點的迷你版,包含開心果閃電泡芙、檸檬塔、巴黎・布列斯特泡芙。
當天 Nicolas Paciello 主廚並為我們介紹了他今年的力作——「La Bûche de Noël de Louis Bouquet」(Louis Fouquet 的聖誕節蛋糕)。他與歷史學家Marion Godfroy-Tayart de Borms 合作設計,參考了 120 年前的流行風格和 Louis Fouquet 本人的喜好,是一款外觀看來非常神秘的蛋糕。放在巧克力雕塑製成的展示高台上的蛋糕,是由濕潤的烘烤杏仁海綿蛋糕(biscuit moelleux à l’amande torréfiée)加上黑巧克力慕斯(mousse de chocolat intense)與糖漬香檸檬(confit de bergamote)組成,隱藏在一層薄薄的杏仁膏之下,鮮紅色的外觀呼應 Fouquet’s 的招牌遮雨檐。我之前也提過,法國現在也在流行減糖,許多甜點都早已顛覆以前法式甜點給人的甜膩印象。而這個蛋糕大概是我過去數年來在法國吃過「最不甜」的蛋糕,主廚 Nicolas 也是刻意如此設計,突出香檸檬的酸味、並用杏仁的香氣和圓潤去中和,讓人在豐盛的聖誕大餐後,仍然能毫無負擔地享用、成為完美的結尾。不過,如果是在平時下午茶品嚐,酸度卻有些過於強烈了。
接下來請大家點開照片一一欣賞主廚的作品,更多當天的影音請參考我的 Instagram 精選動態「Fouquet’s」:https://tinyurl.com/w7kvq2w
🔖 延伸閱讀:
2019 年巴黎聖誕節蛋糕精選:https://tinyurl.com/y6pq87rz
認識更多法國甜點主廚與意見領袖:https://tinyurl.com/y49mhpl3
你不可不知的法式甜點關鍵詞:https://tinyurl.com/y5c99dd8
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I got invited to Hôtel Barrière Le Fouquet’s Paris earlier this week for tasting their tea time at Restaurant Le Joy and the yule log creation. Nicolas Paciello, head pastry chef (former head pastry chef at Hôtel Prince de Galles) of the hotel who just arrived two months ago gave us a warm welcome.
Situated on the intersection of Avenue des Champs-Élyées and Avenue George V, the brasserie-restaurant Fouquet’s was founded by Louis Fouquet in 1899. Louis Fouquet named the restaurant after his family name but added the “’s” to give it a trendy style. Celebrating its 120 anniversaire this year, Fouquet’s is a legendary restaurant in Paris. It holds the gala dinner for Cézar Awards, the French equivalent of Academy awards, each year and was frequented by many celebrities. The main room of Fouquet’s was listed as an "Inventaire des Monuments Historiques” (French historical monument) in 1990. In 1998, Group Barrière, a French casino and luxury hotel group, bought the restaurant and further acquired 6 buildings around it to create Hôtel Barrière Le Fouquet Paris. Fouquet’s has since then become a brand that includes a luxury hotel, symbolic restaurants and bars. Fouquet’s was severely damaged during the Gillet Jaune movement this march and was thus closed for renovation for several months. It re-opened in July on the Bastille Day this year and the restaurants and bars in the hotel also underwent a make-over.
Fouquet’s new head pastry chef Nicolas Paciello created a new tea time menu for Restaurant Le Joy that is composed of two courses: served on a 3-tiered stand, a sweet and savoury selection including scones, cookies, finger sandwiches, and petit fours comes first, followed by 3 chef’s signature pastries in mini form: pistachio éclairs, lemon tart, and Paris-Brest.
The chef also presented us his Christmas cake creation in tribute to the founder of Fouquet's, “La Bûche de Noël de Louis Fouquet”. In collaboration with the historian Marion Godfroy-Tayart de Borms, this yule log pays great attention to the fashion back to 120 years ago as well as the preference of Louis Fouquet himself. This mysterious-looking cake sits on a high stand made of chocolate and is covered by a thin layer of almond paste, whose vivid color clearly refers to the brasserie’s distinctive red awnings on Charmps-Élysées. The cake itself is made of a moist roasted almond sponge cake, a dark chocolate mousse as well as a bergamot confit. Now that a “less-sugar” trend seems to sweep the French pastry industry, many pastries and desserts here in Paris are much less sweet and filling compared to before. With a rather strong acidity of the bergamot orange rounded by almonds biscuit and chocolate cream, the cake is probably the least sweet cake I’ve ever tasted in recent years. The chef Nicolas has made it on purpose so that it’s light enough to be enjoyed at the end of a Christmas feast. However, if you taste it during tea time in normal days, you might find yourself crave more sweetness.
Click on the photos and have a closer look to the divine pastries and wonderful work of the chef. More videos and experiences in live could be found in my featured stories “Fouquet’s” on Instagram: https://tinyurl.com/w7kvq2w
🔖 You might also be interested:
2019 Paris Christmas cakes: https://tinyurl.com/y6pq87rz
Getting to know more French pastry chefs and influencers: https://tinyurl.com/y49mhpl3
French pastry keywords that you have to know: https://tinyurl.com/y5c99dd8
#yingspastryguide #fouquets #nicolaspaciello #bûchedenoël2019 #buchedenoel2019 #yingc
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