你接种疫苗了吗?
如果你还有一些疑问,不妨听一听部长们进一步的解释。
请尽早接种疫苗,保护家人和保护自己。– 李显龙
中文 - youtu.be/It1yulj1LTQ
福建 - youtu.be/l_iWpALTfpA
潮州 - youtu.be/u00lAh4n8IA
广东 - youtu.be/-6eOC8pVlxE
Gov.sg has produced videos in Malay, Chinese, Tamil, Hokkien, Teochew and Cantonese to explain how vaccines can protect us, and stop us from getting very ill and needing ICU care even if infected.
Do show them to your relatives and friends who are hesitant about vaccination to help allay their concerns. You can watch all six videos in the playlist here: https://go.gov.sg/t7vy9o
Thanks to Josephine Teo, Koh Poh Koon - 许宝琨 and Ong Ye Kung for starring in the videos, alongside Mediacorp artistes! – LHL
#IGotMyShotSG
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過38萬的網紅CH Music Channel,也在其Youtube影片中提到,《DAWN》 Believe Be:leave / 相信:離去 作詞 / Lyricist:aimerrythm 作曲 / Composer:飛内将大 編曲 / Arranger:玉井健二、飛内将大 歌 / Singer:Aimer 翻譯:夏德爾 English Translation:Thaeri...
needing中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
needing中文 在 魯曼英文 Facebook 的最讚貼文
唱歌練英文
#maroon5
#sugar
練習這首歌能練習wonna( want to )以及 have gotta ( have got to) 這兩個簡短而快速的片語^_^
其中較難唱的歌詞為以下3句:
I don’t wonna be needing your love.
( = I don’t want to be needing your love)
I just wonna be deep in your love.
( = I just want to be deep in your love.)
And I’ve gotta get one little taste.
( = and I have got to get one day to taste.)
另外在歌詞中文翻譯的部分,魯曼老師表示因為內容太過肉麻,光是baby 就無法下筆了,麻煩有興趣的同學們可以到網路上查考喔!
https://youtu.be/b3LMcXRD5lo
needing中文 在 CH Music Channel Youtube 的精選貼文
《DAWN》
Believe Be:leave / 相信:離去
作詞 / Lyricist:aimerrythm
作曲 / Composer:飛内将大
編曲 / Arranger:玉井健二、飛内将大
歌 / Singer:Aimer
翻譯:夏德爾
English Translation:Thaerin
背景 / Background - 君が飛んだ - 雨森ほわ :
https://www.pixiv.net/artworks/71163643
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中文翻譯 / Chinese Translation :
https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=2942698
英文翻譯 / English Translation :
https://www.lyrical-nonsense.com/lyrics/aimer/believe-be-leave/
日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
遠ざかる南へのポラリス 消えないでよ六等星
私まるで星屑ビーナス 寂しくて眠れない夜
壁の写真 錆びたフレーム 空の花瓶 あの日のままで
捨てられない 古びたテディベア 擦り切れたネイビーのコート
I believe in you 何度も言う 越えられない あの日のバッドエンド
泣き虫は きっと直らない もう少しそばにいたかった
I’m needing you! I’m needing you! 叫んだって 変わらない
A needle in you? ドアは閉まる …ちょっとWait! Wait yet!
“Believe Be:leave” まだ夢見ていたんだ
So I dreamt? 理由なんてなしで
I believe but you leave さよならさえ 言えなかった
Still I believe? ビリビリに引き裂いて I lost your heart
遠ざかる南へのポラリス 消えないでよ六等星
私まるで星屑ビーナス 寂しくて眠れない夜
悲しいよ 寂しいよ 壊れたハート あの日のままで
抱きしめた 大事なテディベア 引き出しに閉じ込めた涙
I believe in you 何度も言う 変えられない あの日のバッドエンド
Like my mom said きっと帰らない あと少しそばにいたかった
I’m needing you! I’m needing you! 叫んだって 届かない
A needle in you? 時が止まる …ちょっとWait! Wait yet!
“Believe Be:leave” 愛された気がしてたんだ
So I dreamt? 理由なんてなくて
I believe but you leave 幼さで拭えなかった
Still I believe? ビリビリに引き裂いて I lost my heart
“Believe Be:leave” まだ夢見ていたんだ
So I dreamt? 理由なんてなしで
I believe but you leave さよならさえ 言えなかった
Still I believe? ビリビリに引き裂いて
Believe! I believe 愛された気がしてたんだ
So I dreamt? 理由なんてなくて
I believe but you leave 幼さで拭えなかった
Still I believe? ビリビリに引き裂いて I lost your heart
遠ざかる南へのポラリス 消えないでよ六等星
私まるで星屑ビーナス 寂しくて眠れない夜…
中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
指北星正朝著南方漸漸地遠去,六等星啊請還不要消失
我就像那渺小的金星,落在這寂寞得無法入睡的夜晚——
牆上的照片、生鏽的相框,還有空無一物的花瓶,都維持著那天的模樣
那無法丟棄而堆滿歲月的泰迪熊,以及那磨破的海軍外套,也依舊如此
我相信你。對著那天無法釋懷的Bad End,無論要說多少多少次
愛哭鬼的我,肯定是無從改變了吧,多麼想要你待在我身旁久一些
我需要你!現在就需要你!然而就算放聲呼喊,也無從改變了
我是否是你心中的痛?關上的門漸漸抹去你的身影……等一下!再等一下啊!
「相信,你的離去。」但我仍然盼望著你的身影
所以我才懷著這樣的夢嗎?這根本就沒有什麼理由
我相信你,但你卻走了,就連一句再見,也來不及讓我傾訴
我是否還相信呢?我的信任像是被撕裂的信紙,而我,也迷失了你的真心
指北星朝著南方漸行漸遠了,六等星啊請還不要消失
我就像那片星塵中的金星,落在這寂寞得失眠的夜晚——
多麼悲傷、多麼寂寞,碎掉的心,仍然維持著那天的模樣
如今也只能緊抱著那隻重要的泰迪熊,忽視著被關進了抽屜的眼淚
我相信你。對著那天無法改變的Bad End,無論要說多少多少次
就像母親所說的,那些日子肯定不會再回來,多麼希望你能再多陪伴我一些時間
我不能沒有你!現在不能沒有你!然而再怎麼呼喊,你也不可能聽見了
我是否是你心中的痛呢?你我的時間從那天開始便停止了……等、等等!再等等啊!
「相信你的我,已經不在了。」我總覺得自己曾經感受過你的愛
所以我才看見那樣的夢嗎?那根本就沒有什麼理由
我相信著你對我的愛,但你卻走遠了,年幼的我根本無從諒解
那麼我是否還相信你會回來呢?我就像是張被撕裂的信紙,我,迷失了我的真心
「相信,然後釋懷吧。」我還盼望你能在我的身旁
所以我仍然夢想著你的歸來?這根本沒有什麼理由
我相信你會回來,但你卻一去不反了,就連一句道別我也沒能脫口
那麼我是否還相信呢?我的心就像在送出前被撕碎的信紙——
相信!我相信!我總覺得我感覺過你的愛啊!
所以我才會如此夢想嗎?相信你的愛真的不需要什麼理由
我相信你的愛,但你卻不再回來,年幼的我根本無法釋懷
那麼現在的我是否還相信著?就像是沒有了收件人的信紙,我,永遠失去了你的真心
指北星朝著南方遠去了,六等星請還不要離去
我就是迷失在星河裡的渺小金星,迷失在這寂寞得無法入睡的夜晚……
英文歌詞 / English Lyrics :
Pictures on the wall… rusted frames… an empty vase… just as they were that day.
A old looking teddy bear I just can’t throw away… A worn out navy coat…
I believe in you, I say again and again – the bad end from that day I just can’t get past.
My crybaby tendencies will surely never change, but I wish I could have stayed next to you a bit longer…
I’m needing you! I’m needing you! But even if I scream, nothing will change;
A needle in you? The door closes. … ah, wait a second… Wait! Wait yet!
“Believe Be:leave” Ahh, I was still living a dream…
So I dreamt? Without any real reason,
I believe, but you leave; I wasn’t even able to say goodbye…
Still I believe? And it just tears me apart. I lost your heart…
I’m sad. I’m lonely. My broken heart is just as it was that day.
That precious teddy bear I used to hold… tears shut away in a drawer…
I believe in you, I say again and again – the bad end from that day I can never change.
Like my mom said, you’ll never come back, but I wish I could have stayed next to you a bit longer…
I’m needing you! I’m needing you! But even if I scream, you won’t hear it.
A needle in you? Time freezes. … ah, wait a second… Wait! Wait yet!
“Believe Be:leave” I felt like I was once loved…
So I dreamt? There’s no particular reason,
I believe, but you leave; being young didn’t work as an excuse…
Still I believe? And it just tears me apart. I lost my heart…
“Believe Be:leave” Ahh, I was still living a dream…
So I dreamt? Without any real reason,
I believe, but you leave; I wasn’t even able to say goodbye…
Still I believe? And it just tears me apart. I lost your heart…
“Believe Be: leave” I felt like I was once loved…
So I dreamt? There’s no particular reason,
I believe, but you leave; being young didn’t work as an excuse…
Still I believe? And it just tears me apart. I lost my heart…