關於 out of budget中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Cheers! Our movie ‘Babi’ has been shortlisted by the Around International Film Festival and Thai Film Festival! Kop kun krap!🙏🙏🙏

To be frank, I have completed 2 films last year, one was ‘Nasi Lemak 1.0’ which was filmed above board and another film was ‘BABI’ which was filmed secretly. We never talked openly about this project because it is a banned film (Well, it’s pretty obvious even from the film title…) and we don’t want to get into unnecessary attention…

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the release date of ‘Nasi Lemak 1.0’ has been delayed indefinitely and it has caused quite a big deal to us… While we were amidst of the dark clouds, we found our silver linings! ‘BABI’ was selected in 2 internationally famed film festivals, the ARFF Berlin (Around International Film Festival Berlin) and the International Thai Film Festival! We were really really happy about it!

‘BABI’ is a film based on a real-life event, the movie sheds light on a massive school racial riot which took place in year 2000 in a small town somewhere Southern in Malaysia. During that time Malaysia was still under the authoritarian rule of one-dominant party, abuse of power and corruption were frequent, media and news were being stringently controlled and filtered. Thus, the incident was being ‘compromised’ by relevant authority, most of Malaysians doesn’t know about this incident.

The script was actually written 7 years ago, the main reason that the film was not in production that time was because nobody would ever consider to invest on a zero-profit, must-be banned film. The second reason was I had no idea whom should I ask for help, I believed after hearing the film title, everyone would be scared off... Yet in the end, I’m still managed to finish this film with a very very very tight budget. I want to thank all the people who have contributed greatly to the movie, especially the producer Joko Toh

We decided to put the 7-year-old script in production is to tell the truth behind the story but most importantly sending a message to all Malaysians that we must be more unified disregard of our ethnicity and race. In short, we shall always lend a helping hand to each others and communicate with our hearts and souls, therefore we won’t be exploited by politicians who incite racial sentiment to reach their end goal. Otherwise, more tragic like this will happens…

The idea of be able to screen this film in Malaysia has never crossed my mind before, that’s why we never tried to register the film after the production. Rightly next, I hope that this film can be seen elsewhere other than at Thailand’s or Germany’s film festival, I wish there are better methods in exposing the film and to reach out to everyone. Currently, we are still on our lofty quest but please do cheer for us! Happy Merdeka Day in advance! Malaysia Boleh!

*Versi BM*
Tahniah! Filem kami [BABI] telah dipilih dalam Around International Film Festival dan Thai Film Festival ! Kop Kun Krap! 🙏🙏🙏

Sebenarnya pada tahun lepas kami telahpun menghasilkan dua buah filem. Yang pertama adalah filem [Nasi Lemak 1.0] yang penggambarannya dijalankan dengan berani dan terang, satu lagi adalah filem [BABI] dimana proses penggambaran dijalankan dalam keadaan yang sulit dan rahsia. Kami tidak pernah membuat apa-apa pengumuman mengenai perkara ini, kerana khuathir filem ini akan menimbulkan kontroversi (lihat sajalah nama filemnya...) Kami tidak mahu memburukkan keadaan.

Disebabkan isu pandemik Covid-19, filem [Nasi Lemak 1.0] tidak dapat ditayangkan di pawagam dan telah membawa kerugian yang teruk pada kami. Walaubagaimanapun kami menerima berita baik berkenaan pemilihan filem [BABI] dalam dua festival filem antarabangsa yang berprestij iaitu ARFF Berlin (Around International Film Festival Berlin) serta International Thai Film Festival! Kami berasa amat gembira!

Filem [BABI] adalah lakonan semula sebuah rusuhan perkauman yang berlaku di sebuah sekolah menengah yang terletak di bahagian selatan Malaysia pada tahun 2000. Pada ketika itu Malaysia masih berada di bawah kepemimpinan parti yang dominan. Pemimpin-pemimpin menyalahgunakan kuasa dan pihak media dikawal sepenuhnya oleh kerajaan. Oleh yang demikian, tragedi ini akhirnya telah 'diselesaikan' oleh pihak tertentu dan rakyat Malaysia telah 'disekat' dari peristiwa tersebut.

Skrip asal untuk filem [BABI] telah saya tulis sejak 7 tahun yang lalu. Namun antara sebab utama saya tidak dapat menghasilkan filem ini adalah kerana isu modal, kerana tiada yang sudi mengeluarkan modal untuk sebuah filem yang mungkin akan diharamkan dan tidak akan ditayangkan di pawagam. Sebab kedua adalah kerana saya tidak tahu siapa yang akan sudi menghasilkan filem ini bersama saya kerana saya pasti, hanya dengan mendengar namanya saja sudah tentu tiada yang akan ingin mengambil bahagian. Namun dengan segala daya usaha dari semua pihak yang sudi membantu dan menerusi modal yang teramat-amat rendah, kami akhirnya berjaya menghabiskan filem ini. Saya dengan ikhlas ingin berterima kasih pada semua krew, petugas, pelakon dan kakitangan belakang tabir yang terlibat dalam menjayakan filem ini, terutamanya penerbit Joko Toh

Tujuan utama kami merealisasikan skrip yang ditulis sejak 7 tahun yang lalu adalah untuk membongkar perkara sebenar seluruh peristiwa ini. Juga menerusi filem ini, kami ingin menyampaikan mesej betapa pentingnya perpaduan dan keharmonian diantara kaum supaya dielak dari dipergunakan oleh ahli politik demi untuk mencapai matlamat dan motif masing-masing. Jika tidak, kami percaya pasti pasti lebih banyak tragedi ngeri bakal berlalu...

Tak pernah terlintas dalam fikiran kami untuk menayangkan filem ini di Malaysia. Oleh yang demikian, kami tak pernah mohon dari mana-mana pihak berkenaan permohonan penayangan. Kami berharap selepas ini, filem ini bukan saja akan ditayangkan di festival filem Berlin dan Thailand, kami mahu supaya filem [BABI] dapat ditonton oleh lebih ramai penonton di seluruh dunia. Kami akan tetap berusaha, silalah berdoa dan sokong usaha kami! Selamat Hari Kemerdekaan untuk Malaysia! Malaysia Boleh!

*中文翻譯*
恭喜恭喜! 我們的電影【BABI/你是豬】入選了【ARFF環球國際電影節(柏林)】還有【泰國國際電影節】! Kop kun krap! 🙏🙏🙏

其實去年我在馬來西亞完成了兩部電影拍攝，一部是光明正大在拍的叫【辣死你媽-續集】，而另一部電影則是秘密進行的，叫【BABI/你是豬】。這件事情從頭到尾我們都沒有公開過，因為這是一部禁片（看戲名就知道了），我們不想節外生枝...

【辣死你媽-續集】因為疫情的緣故沒辦法上映，造成了嚴重的虧損... 當我們在愁雲慘霧之際，卻收到了天大的好消息! 就是【BABI/你是豬】入圍了國際上著名的兩大影展 【ARFF環球國際電影節(柏林)】和【泰國國際電影節】! 真的很開心!

【BABI/你是豬】真人真事改編自一起大型校園種族暴動事件，發生在2000年馬來西亞南方小鎮的一所學校裡。當時的馬來西亞處在一黨獨大，濫權腐敗，媒體被嚴格控管及消息封鎖的階段。因此這起事件在當時已被相關單位“和諧”，在馬來西亞幾乎沒有人知道。

其實這是我七年前寫的劇本，我沒拍出來的第一個原因，當然是因為沒有人會願意把錢丟進一部即將被禁，賺不回本的電影裡。第二個原因則是我當時不知道要找誰幫我拍，相信聽到這個戲名，大家應該都怕了吧... 但最後我還是以很低很低成本的方式，拜託了很多人幫忙，才完成了這部電影。真的要謝謝參與電影拍攝的每一個台前幕後的人，尤其監製 Joko Toh。

我們決定要把這部七年前的劇本拍出來的目的，就是要揭露整起暴動事件的真相，也要藉此電影提醒馬來西亞人，種族之間必須更團結，互助，交流，才不會一直被政治人物利用，以操弄種族情緒而達到政治目的。否則將會發生更多類似的悲劇...

我從來都沒有想過這部電影能夠在馬來西亞上映，所以我們拍完了之後從來都沒有拿去申請過。接下來，希望這部電影不止在泰國和德國的影展能看到，期待以後能夠以更光明正大的方式讓所有人都能看到。我們還在努力中，請為我們加油吧！預祝馬來西亞獨立日快樂! Malaysia Boleh!

FINAS Malaysia Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) Polis Diraja Malaysia ( Royal Malaysia Police ) #LPF Lembaga Penapisan Filem

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

Check out this amazing Chinese movie! The " Origin Bound " premiere in New York will be held in Manhattan on September 14. The main actors will meet the audience and a press conference will be held!

电影取材於真人真事，描繪一位中國大陸演員，在事業如日中天卻被醫生宣判死刑，在生命倒數90天的日子裡，他選擇離開熟悉的地方，讓自己孤獨面對死亡。而奇蹟就從他前往加拿大旅行的第一天，與久別的女主角小雪重逢開始。劇情最終，不僅病痛遠離了，王浩晨更尋獲生命中真正的｢歸途｣，帶著｢真善忍｣信仰，締造事業的第二高峰。

Origin Bound is an inspirational film, full of positive information, bringing warmth, brightness and hope. The story is about a famous movie star, facing the last 100 days life of countdown, how to face, how to reverse life, how to create miracles. Finally the hope and miracles are created in desperation!

電影院／Cinema:
Anthology Film Archives
放映厅: Courthouse Theater

時間／Date and Time
9月14日下午2点 （1:30入场） 随后召開新聞發佈會 /Sept. 14th 2:00pm. following press conference
9月15日上午10:45（10:30入场）/ Sept. 15th 10:45am

地點／Address :
32 Second Avenue (at 2nd St.)
New York, NY 10003 USA

本周五在曼哈頓和middletown的大组学法会有现场售票。

This Friday, there will be on-site ticket sales in the big group Fa study in Manhattan and Middletown.

电话售票/ Phone ticketing：

賣票中英粵語熱線（Chinese/ English/Cantonese）： +1(718)2869575

賣票中文熱線（Chinese）： +1(201)4567562
美國新世紀影視基地的故事片《歸途》先后在加拿大，台湾各地，及澳洲上映，票房一票難求。

本片目前為止共獲得獎項12項：

2019 NYCA Best Feature Film 2019紐約電影攝影獎“月度最佳故事長片”

2019 WOW Official Selection 2019突尼斯WOW電影節官方入圍

Accolade Global Film Competition Award 2019:

Award of Merit: Actor: Leading (Guangyu Jiang as Howard Wang)美阿克萊德電影節"男主角“最佳成就獎”

Award of Merit: Direction 美阿克萊德電影節2019導演“最佳成就獎”

Award of Merit: Film Feature 美阿克萊德電影節2019劇情長片“最佳成就獎”

OFFICIALSELECTION-UK Wales International Film Festival 2019英國威爾士國際電影節最佳長片類別入圍

2019 Top Indie Film Awards Nominee of best editing 2019日本最佳獨立電影節"最佳剪輯提名"

2019 Top Indie Film Awards Nominee of best original idea 2019日本最佳獨立電影節"最佳原創提名"

2019 Top Indie Film Awards Nominee of best writing 2019日本最佳獨立電影節"最佳編劇提名"

2019 Top Indie Film Awards Nominee of no budget spirit 2019日本最佳獨立電影節"無預算勵志獎提名"

World Premiere Win Origin Bound actor 世界首映電影獎2019春季評選“最佳男主角獎”

World Premiere Win Origin Bound actress 世界首映電影獎2019春季評選“最佳女主角獎”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CAEqNy_RBSY

年薪140萬27歲少婦揹學貸 ► https://smarturl.it/ddv703
我們請一位年收入 10 萬美元的女警察和房地產投資者將她在一個月內花的所有錢進行分解。 她有多少存款？ 她投資多少？ 她在 Straight Talk Wireless 電話費上花了多少錢？
#生活好薪情 #警察 #房地產投資

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※關於時尚，VOGUE說了算！自從1892年第一本VOGUE在美國出版以來，至今已有122年的歷史，始終被時尚專業人士所推崇，因此榮譽為Fashion Bible時尚聖經。
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※台灣VOGUE隸屬Condé Nast Interculture Group，相關國外影片皆由國外授權提供給台灣使用，台灣VOGUE秉持服務網友，讓更多中文語系觀眾可以看到國際影片跟中文字幕，所以在此頻道分享給大家，如果喜歡我們的頻道，請訂閱我們，我們將會持續努力帶來更多優質內容。

[加州賽道問與答 Q&A http://www.13n.tv/blog/q-a]
耗材升級怎麼夠，這次改變騎乘姿勢，再度提升忍300的賽道能力。整體表現讓我非常喜歡，不過也慢慢發現車子不足的地方，(咳，懸吊)。當然，一方面我也在精進自己的技術，還有很大進步的空間！First phase obviously wasn't enough. This time I upgraded the parts for better riding position to make it more track worthy. I am really happy with how it turned out. Well, I also started to notice some weak points (cough, suspension, cough)

十三忍企劃第拾壹章
Ninja 300 Budget Build EP11

Outro Music: NINJA BOY（ニンジャボーイ）- What decibel is footstep of Ninjas?
https://goo.gl/1HVrER
Other Music: Jim Yosef - Link
#13N 追蹤 13N Instagram:

[為什麼貼膠帶？加州賽道問與答 Q&A http://www.13n.tv/blog/q-a]

為了有效發揮上一階段改裝的金屬來令，這次我們升級金屬煞車油管，完整的傳導制動力！In order to make the best out of sintered brake pads, let's upgrade to stainless braided brake lines to maximize braking force!

十三忍企劃第玖章
Ninja 300 Budget Build EP9

Outro Music: NINJA BOY（ニンジャボーイ）- What decibel is footstep of Ninjas?
https://goo.gl/1HVrER
Other Music: Fly Me To The Moon - Bate Rigason Edit
https://goo.gl/j8yZbQ
#13N 追蹤 13N Instagram: