今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
precisely because of it中文 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最佳解答
[時事英文] 蔡英文總統BBC專訪關鍵英文詞彙
今天要來與大家分享蔡英文總統的BBC專訪! It's an insightful one!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
專訪(中文): https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-51115705
專訪(英文): https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
報導內有影片!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen has told the BBC that China needs to "face reality" and show the island "respect".
1. face reality 面對現實
2. show respect 表示尊重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
She was re-elected for a second term on Saturday, winning by a landslide after a campaign in which she focused heavily on the rising threat from Beijing.
3. win by a landslide 以壓倒性優勢獲勝
4. focus heavily on... 特別專注於...
5. rising threat 上升的威脅
★★★★★★★★★★★★
The Chinese Communist Party has long claimed sovereignty over Taiwan and the right to take it by force if necessary. Ms Tsai* insisted that the sovereignty of the self-governing island was not in doubt or up for negotiation.
-\-\BBC
6. the Chinese Communist Party 中國共產黨
7. claim sovereignty 主張主權
8. take it by force 以武力攻下台灣
9. the sovereignty of ...的主權
10. self governing 自治的
11. not in doubt 毫無疑問
12. not up for negotiation 不能談判
*President Tsai
★★★★★★★★★★★★
"We don't have a need to declare ourselves an independent state," the 63-year-old president told the BBC in an exclusive interview, her first since the election. "We are an independent country already and we call ourselves the Republic of China, Taiwan."
13. declare 宣布
14. an independent state 一個獨立的國家;政府
15. exclusive interview 專訪
16. an independent country 一個獨立國家
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Such statements infuriate Beijing, which wants a return to the "One China" principle favoured by the main rival she saw off in the race for president, Han Kuo-yu from the Kuomintang party. His party traces its roots to the defeated nationalists in the Chinese civil war, who fled to Taiwan and continued to see the island as part of a greater China from which they had been usurped.
17. infuriate 激怒
18. return to 還給, 歸回
19. main rival 主要競爭對手
20. trace its roots 追根溯源
21. defeated the nationalists 戰敗的國民黨
22. flee to 逃往
23. be usurped 被篡奪
★★★★★★★★★★★★
In recent years, that concept of One China has proved a useful compromise, Taiwanese supporters of it argue. China insists on its acceptance as a prerequisite for building economic ties with Taiwan, precisely because doing so is an explicit denial of its existence as a de facto island state.
24. a useful compromise 有用的協定, 妥協
25. insist on 堅持
26. a prerequisite for... ...的先決條件
27. build economic ties 建立經濟聯繫
28. a explicit denial 明確否認
29. de facto 事實上
★★★★★★★★★★★★
But it is clear that Ms Tsai* believes her victory is proof of how little appetite there now is for the One China concept and the ambiguity it allowed over Taiwan's real status. "The situation has changed," she says. "The ambiguity can no longer serve the purposes it was intended to serve." And what has really changed, she suggests, is China.
-\-\BBC
30. it is clear that… ...是清楚的
31. proof of… …的證明
32. how little appetite there is for... 對...沒有多少胃口; 對...不接受
33. One China concept 一個中國的概念
34. ambiguity 模棱兩可
35. real status 真實狀態
36. intend to serve… 所欲實現的(成效)
*President Tsai
★★★★★★★★★★★★
"Because [for more than] three years we're seeing China has been intensifying its threat... they have their military vessels and aircraft cruising around the island," she says. "And also, the things happening in Hong Kong, people get a real sense that this threat is real and it's getting more and more serious."
37. intensify its threat 加劇威脅
38. military vessels and aircrafts 軍艦和飛機
39. get more serious 變得更嚴重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Taiwan's interests, she believes, are not best served by semantics but by facing up to the reality, in particular the aspirations of the Taiwanese youth who flocked to her cause. "We have a separate identity and we're a country of our own. So, if there's anything that runs counter to this idea, they will stand up and say that's not acceptable to us. "We're a successful democracy, we have a pretty decent economy, we deserve respect from China."
40. Taiwan’s interests are not best served by semantics. 文字遊戲並非最佳實現台灣利益(的方式)
41. semantics 語義學; 文字遊戲
42. face up to reality 面對現實
43. the aspirations of the Taiwanese youth 台灣青年的志向
44. flock to her cause 湧向她的目標
45. a separate identity 一個單獨的、不同的身份
46. run counter to 違反;有悖常理,背道而馳
47. a decent economy 像樣的、相當不錯的經濟制度
48. deserve respect 值得尊重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Sources
https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-51115705
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
https://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5098630
Image source: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
★★★★★★★★★★★★
時事英文大全: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Y8
precisely because of it中文 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最讚貼文
[時事英文] 蔡英文總統BBC專訪關鍵英文詞彙
今天要來與大家分享蔡英文總統的BBC專訪! It's an insightful one!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
專訪(中文): https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-51115705
專訪(英文): https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
報導內有影片!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen has told the BBC that China needs to "face reality" and show the island "respect".
1. face reality 面對現實
2. show respect 表示尊重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
She was re-elected for a second term on Saturday, winning by a landslide after a campaign in which she focused heavily on the rising threat from Beijing.
3. win by a landslide 以壓倒性優勢獲勝
4. focus heavily on... 特別專注於...
5. rising threat 上升的威脅
★★★★★★★★★★★★
The Chinese Communist Party has long claimed sovereignty over Taiwan and the right to take it by force if necessary. Ms Tsai* insisted that the sovereignty of the self-governing island was not in doubt or up for negotiation.
--BBC
6. the Chinese Communist Party 中國共產黨
7. claim sovereignty 主張主權
8. take it by force 以武力攻下台灣
9. the sovereignty of ...的主權
10. self governing 自治的
11. not in doubt 毫無疑問
12. not up for negotiation 不能談判
*President Tsai
★★★★★★★★★★★★
"We don't have a need to declare ourselves an independent state," the 63-year-old president told the BBC in an exclusive interview, her first since the election. "We are an independent country already and we call ourselves the Republic of China, Taiwan."
13. declare 宣布
14. an independent state 一個獨立的國家;政府
15. exclusive interview 專訪
16. an independent country 一個獨立國家
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Such statements infuriate Beijing, which wants a return to the "One China" principle favoured by the main rival she saw off in the race for president, Han Kuo-yu from the Kuomintang party. His party traces its roots to the defeated nationalists in the Chinese civil war, who fled to Taiwan and continued to see the island as part of a greater China from which they had been usurped.
17. infuriate 激怒
18. return to 還給, 歸回
19. main rival 主要競爭對手
20. trace its roots 追根溯源
21. defeated the nationalists 戰敗的國民黨
22. flee to 逃往
23. be usurped 被篡奪
★★★★★★★★★★★★
In recent years, that concept of One China has proved a useful compromise, Taiwanese supporters of it argue. China insists on its acceptance as a prerequisite for building economic ties with Taiwan, precisely because doing so is an explicit denial of its existence as a de facto island state.
24. a useful compromise 有用的協定, 妥協
25. insist on 堅持
26. a prerequisite for... ...的先決條件
27. build economic ties 建立經濟聯繫
28. a explicit denial 明確否認
29. de facto 事實上
★★★★★★★★★★★★
But it is clear that Ms Tsai* believes her victory is proof of how little appetite there now is for the One China concept and the ambiguity it allowed over Taiwan's real status. "The situation has changed," she says. "The ambiguity can no longer serve the purposes it was intended to serve." And what has really changed, she suggests, is China.
--BBC
30. it is clear that… ...是清楚的
31. proof of… …的證明
32. how little appetite there is for... 對...沒有多少胃口; 對...不接受
33. One China concept 一個中國的概念
34. ambiguity 模棱兩可
35. real status 真實狀態
36. intend to serve… 所欲實現的(成效)
*President Tsai
★★★★★★★★★★★★
"Because [for more than] three years we're seeing China has been intensifying its threat... they have their military vessels and aircraft cruising around the island," she says. "And also, the things happening in Hong Kong, people get a real sense that this threat is real and it's getting more and more serious."
37. intensify its threat 加劇威脅
38. military vessels and aircrafts 軍艦和飛機
39. get more serious 變得更嚴重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Taiwan's interests, she believes, are not best served by semantics but by facing up to the reality, in particular the aspirations of the Taiwanese youth who flocked to her cause. "We have a separate identity and we're a country of our own. So, if there's anything that runs counter to this idea, they will stand up and say that's not acceptable to us. "We're a successful democracy, we have a pretty decent economy, we deserve respect from China."
40. Taiwan’s interests are not best served by semantics. 文字遊戲並非最佳實現台灣利益(的方式)
41. semantics 語義學; 文字遊戲
42. face up to reality 面對現實
43. the aspirations of the Taiwanese youth 台灣青年的志向
44. flock to her cause 湧向她的目標
45. a separate identity 一個單獨的、不同的身份
46. run counter to 違反;有悖常理,背道而馳
47. a decent economy 像樣的、相當不錯的經濟制度
48. deserve respect 值得尊重
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Sources
https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-51115705
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
https://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5098630
Image source: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51104246
★★★★★★★★★★★★
時事英文大全: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Y8
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