【企業工作坊x題目介紹|台灣美光】
大家期待已久的賽前工作坊,這次輪到誰了呢?
答案就是—台灣美光 🎉 🎉
有興趣的同學和梅竹黑客松的參賽者
可不能錯過這個了解企業與學習技術的機會喔!
美光科技(Micron Technology, Inc.)是全球前三大記憶體製造商
總部設立於美國,並於台灣、日本、歐洲等地設有研發設計或製造據點
主要產品包括DRAM、NAND快閃記憶體、CMOS影像感測器與其它半導體元件和記憶體模組
📍本次台灣美光黑客松的題目如下:
❝
The covid-19 pandemic changes how we work today in the factory. For mitigating the pandemic, many companies are forced to let employees work from home(WFH). The WFH may become a normal working model in the factory.
Please provide "a minimum viable product" to support WFH in order to keep
⚫ Productivity
⚫ Efficiency
⚫ Collaboration
⚫ Team work
⚫ And the security as well
What functions we need for WFH?
⚫ Video conference
⚫ Instance Message (Communication tool)
⚫ Tasks tracking/meeting minutes
⚫ White board
⚫ Other creative functions will be plus
Do not need to cover all functions, just cover as possible as you can.
You can use any existing open source resources.
Micron WFH experience during the pandemic
⚫ Micron employees: > 7000
⚫ WFH maximum employees: > 2000
⚫ Work hours: 8:00-17:00
⚫ Meeting
• Count: 2~4/day
• Period: 1~2 hours/meeting
• Attendee: 2~hundreds. Global meeting: even thousands
• Time zone: Taiwan, USA(Boise), Japan, India, Singapore...
• Language: English, Chinese
In Micron, we use VPN/Remote Desktop/Online meeting to support team members WFH. But team member may feel isolation and separation because lack of face to face contact. Therefore, we need creative ways to let team members have the same feeling even better when WFH comparing work on site.
We are looking forward you can provide such kind of creative ways to Micron.
The feedback for WFH:
⚫ How to resolve system issues quickly when WFH?
⚫ Working hour is longer due to not easy to distinguish between office and home
⚫ How does team member know colleague is working or not?
⚫ How to improve the isolation and separation feeling?
❞
📍台灣美光賽前工作坊流程:
第一節 (50mins)
工作坊會帶您了解美光公司內部,在輔助員工每日工作時所需使用到的工具。
例如:在家如何遠端進入公司網域辦公、如何開線上會議、保留會議記錄、代辦事項的追蹤、同仁之間溝通方式等。
第二節(50mins)
關於資安:
a.在家辦公時,如何透過驗證方式進入公司網域辦公
b.員工郵件、網頁瀏覽等須注意事項
c.廠區內對資安保護的規範。
美光人事物:
a.我們的員工來自世界各地,除了中文,也得同時考慮英文介面的設計
b.認識IT部門的一天工作流程
c.跨部門的合作。
真實案例分享:
a.遠距辦公遇到系統問題時的解決辦法
b.收到員工對於遠距辦公的抱怨內容
c.美光已實行過”讓員工有更棒的WFH體驗”作法大公開。
第三節 (20mins)
Q&A
🔽現在就來報名梅竹黑客松和賽前工作坊吧🔽
https://signup.meichuhackathon.org/
(建議使用電腦瀏覽網站)
---------------------------------
〔合作企業〕 LINE、羅技電子、台灣美光、意法半導體、Girls in Tech
〔贊助企業〕 AWS、曉數碼、國泰金控、Google、中華電信、原相科技、PChome、104資訊科技、Nokia
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
「separation of中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於separation of中文 在 梅竹黑客松 Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 福佳與林忌創作 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最讚貼文
- 關於separation of中文 在 【分居風暴】A Separation 中文電影預告- YouTube 的評價
separation of中文 在 福佳與林忌創作 Facebook 的精選貼文
林忌:楊潤雄等港共官員,最愛借此搬弄,再隨意創作的地方──英治時期的香港,尊重分權、自由、人權、法治,甚至在沒有民主的情況下,也盡量滿足民主與民意;反之在港共之下,就只會不斷搬龍門──當市民司法覆核政府的政策,法院根據英國案例,就會聲稱香港奉行「三權分立」,因此司法機關不會干預立法會內的運作,原則上也不會干預行政部門的政策;但政府卻帶頭說自己從來沒有「三權分立」;簡單而言,就是一時說有,一時說無;對自己有利時說有,對自己無利時說無;於是「三權分立」就好似量子力學薛丁格的貓一般,既同時存在又同時不存在,方便政府隨時輸打贏要。
所謂三權分立,其起源就是歐洲的法學家與哲學家,在歐洲的啟蒙時代,提出要政府各個部門之間,權力互相制衡、監督,以防權力集中一端,而導致腐敗的哲學思想;這種思想先由英國哲學家洛克(John Locke)提出,再由法國的法學、哲學家孟德斯鳩(Baron de Montesquieu),集大成寫成《論法之精神》(De l'esprit des lois)(英譯:The Spirit of the Laws)。然而由於各國政制不同,特別是英國的權力制衡比較複雜,屬於「不完全」的分立,所以英文長期是使用「分權」(Separation of powers),而不著重「三權」;反之中文則譯自拉丁文(Trias politica)與法文(Séparation des trois pouvoirs),就把焦點放在三權之處。
然而無論用甚麼名稱,其重點並不在於三權之間有沒有「合作」,或者是不是純粹的「分立」,而是在於大家明白要「分權」,要互相監督,而不能容許獨裁專政的簡單道理。這道理聽起來好像常識,好像很簡單,可是如此簡單的事情,在獨裁專政的地方,仍然無法實行,甚至被全盤否定。至於君主立憲的英國政制,本身在「分權」的歷史上,來得比較複雜──在這十年改制之前,最高法官來自上議院,因此理論上立法與司法重疊;首相只是代女皇行使行政權力,而且仍有很多理論上存在的皇室特權;然而真相是英國政制執行時,上議院早已架空,而不是真正作出立法決定的下議院;女皇在君主立憲下,表面上有權,實際上絕大部份都不會行使;在英治時期香港的政制下,港督代英皇行使權力,理論上擁有無限權力,實際上卻尊重分權;因此名義上英國沒有嚴格「三權分立」,卻在行使有意義的分權;正如原文的書名,其重點在於「分權的精神」,在於實際上達到「分權」,而非名義上三權甚麼的。因此教科書上應該寫清楚,香港當然沒有三權分立,只有中共一黨專政。「黨最大」三個字,就可以教識所有學生,其他甚麼都是假的。只有一國,沒有兩制,無論是指鹿為馬,或者殺人放火,甚麼民主、自由、人權、法治,都是假的。黨即法律,黨即一切,爹親娘親不及習總親,這就是「中國香港」的「真理」啊!(節錄,全文按連結)
separation of中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
separation of中文 在 【分居風暴】A Separation 中文電影預告- YouTube 的推薦與評價
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