-(中文版本往下滑!)
My first ever outfit post!
I’m stepping outside my comfort zone to post this post!😝
I think this kind of a brownish colors (whether it’s lighter or darker) is a trend now in Asian areas. And is most made of cotton and linen for the hot weather!(The dress is made of nylon and cotton tho🤣) I simply use similar colors to put it all together, and with some accessories to pop up the hole outfit! This outfit is mainly about the dress so I want to introduce more about it!
@mougganofficial cocoon vest dress
I love the material of this dress cuz it doesn’t stick on my body, and doesn’t need to iron it before wearing it! If the rain or sweat gets it, it would have an obvious water stain, but it does dry out quickly! The vest part is nice for it doesn’t show my bra fat at all.🤣 The cocoon part is actually a bit weird, but I can tie it up in the back to fix the situation!😝
This is my first time trying out this brands outfit, and I do quite like it over all🥰 It’s a Taiwanese brand!
@coach Disney collection bag
@muji_global canvas shoes
@forever21 bracelets
What’s the fashion trend now at the place you live?
Let me know in the comments down below:)
More pics👉👉👉
Save this post to encourage me🤣
Wish you all a lovely day 🌸
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歐摸!第一次發穿搭貼文有夠緊張!
近期流行的色調做一整身的搭配~
#mouggan 繭型輪廓背心洋裝
這次的主角是它!很喜歡這個材質,有混尼龍所以蠻挺的洗完也不太需要燙~版型很修飾副乳,完全遮住!不黏身體,如果滴到水會有明顯的深色,但很快乾!繭型的設計是在臀部的部分有刻意的澎起,在官網的圖片看不太出來,因為模特手臂垂放所以擋住了~我覺得有點太浮誇所以解決之道是把綁帶往後綁,就可以遮住了😝不過這樣側邊的兩個口袋就沒辦法用了哈哈!整體還是很喜歡💕之前打四六折的時候買的所以很划算🥰現在官網也還有~但就沒打折了🤣
這是我第一次嘗試髦梗的洋裝,我覺得對他們家有興趣的人洋裝這個品項真的蠻值得一試的❤️
#coach 迪士尼聯名包
這個包超可愛但是是小廢包哈哈哈!增添一種可愛俏皮的感覺(?
#muji 帆布鞋
同色系繼續!
#forever21 手環
項鍊忘記牌子了😳😳
留言跟我分享你們覺得這次穿搭還可以嗎😆
更多照片👉👉👉
按下收藏給我鼓勵😆💕
祝你們有美好的一天🥰
#髦梗 #洋裝 #mouggangirl #dress #bag #accessories #necklaces #outfit #穿搭 #無印良品 #帆布鞋 #穿搭分享 #穿搭日常 #asianoutfit #taiwanbrand #taiwanese #taiwanesegirl #穿搭日記 #穿搭照 #穿搭必備 #穿搭文 #洋裝穿搭 #韓系穿搭 #韓系 #無印 #無印風
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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stepping up中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
stepping up中文 在 國家衛生研究院-論壇 Facebook 的最佳貼文
➥香港眼科於武漢肺炎流行時採取三個層級的管制措施。
第一,行政層級。為降低病患就診,以簡訊通知病患重新安排就診及取藥,並提供諮詢電話。為降低感染風險,有發燒、呼吸道症狀、急性結膜炎、或有疫區旅遊史的病人,則要求病患14天後再到眼科求診。
第二,環境控制。為降低飛沫傳染,檢查儀器上加裝防護罩,設備加強消毒,並提供員工眼罩。
第三,鼓勵使用口罩、洗手、及其他個人防護裝備。
(中文摘要轉譯:「財團法人國家衛生研究院」莊淑鈞博士整理)
📋 Stepping Up Infection Control Measures in Ophthalmology During the Novel Coronavirus Outbreak: An Experience From Hong Kong (2020/03/03)+中文摘要轉譯
➥Author:Tracy H T Lai, Emily W H Tang, Sandy K Y Chau, et al.
➥Link: (Springer Nature)
https://reurl.cc/8G4xy7
#2019COVID19Academic
衛生福利部
疾病管制署 - 1922防疫達人
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stepping up中文 在 How To: Step Ups - YouTube 的推薦與評價
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