關於 top 10 best decades ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Hi folks

I'd just like to introduce a v good chicken rice stall at Shunfu Market. Rated top 5 best in Singapore even.

I have been eating Uncle Leong's chicken rice for years..even decades. When I lived within walking distance I have even eaten his chicken rice 2 or 3 times a week and not get sian.

Reason is his chicken is flavourful yet light so u dont get the jer-lak feeling. Rice is fragrant not too oily.

Am not a chilli eater so cant comment on chilli

But Straits Times food reviewer picked it among Singapore's top 5 chicken rice stalls ! So chilli also must be q shiok

I was at Uncle Leongs this morning and he said things are not so good now :(

Hes usually v cheery and positive

He is a v kind man - he volunteers his time as a hawker mentor teaching young hawkerpreneurs to cook chicken rice.

I hope you will support his stall by ordering from him or sharing this post

Can call him for orders.
He is new to this so pl be patient.
His mobile is 8923 8577.
(I had said WhatsApp him in an earlier version but i think call is better. He doesn't seem to be on whatsapp much)

Hours 10 am to 7 pm. Closed on Mondays
It's at shunfu market at block 320 Shunfu road (upper thomson area beside thomson cc)

Do order a chicken or two for your weekend meal tomorrow :)

No delivery options as yet unless one of u kind souls want to help him link up:)

Shunfu market is worth a special trip

It is also famous for the muffins and the Hakka stall selling abacus seeds and soon kueh.

Personally i also love the Quan An prawn mee stall.

Lai Heng char kway teow with otah also hits the sweet spot when I'm in the mood.

There is a multi storey carpark attached to market so u don't get wet if it rains

Hawker stall is on level 2.

Wet market is on level 1 so u can do your grocery marketing at the same time

Do support our hawkers to keep #ourhawkerculture strong esp since circuit breaker ending still means no dining in.

[時事英文] Why We Should Wear Masks

《紐約時報》的一篇觀點文章，強調了清晰的公眾傳播之必要性，以及戴口罩的好處。可以跟國外的朋友分享~

★★★★★★★★★★★★

As the pandemic rages on, there will be many difficult messages for the public. Unfortunately, the top-down conversation around masks has become a case study in how not to communicate with the public, especially now that the traditional gatekeepers like media and health authorities have much less control. The message became counterproductive and may have encouraged even more hoarding because it seemed as though authorities were shaping the message around managing the scarcity rather than confronting the reality of the situation.

1. rage on 肆虐
2. top-down (adj.) 自上而下
3. a case study 研究案例
4. become counterproductive 變得適得其反
5. hoard food and supplies 囤積食品和日用品
6. manage the scarcity of… 管理……的稀缺
7. confront the reality of the situation 正視實際情況

隨著大流行病的肆虐，將會有更多不利於公眾的消息。不幸的是，由政府主導的與口罩相關的對話，已成為如何不與公眾交流的研究案例，尤其是在媒體與衛生當局等傳統守門人的控制權已大大降低的今日。該訊息反而適得其反，並可能鼓勵了更多物資的囤積，因為當局所釋出的訊息，似乎是在管制稀缺物資，而與實際情況相抗衡。

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First, many health experts, including the surgeon general of the United States, told the public simultaneously that masks weren’t necessary for protecting the general public and that health care workers needed the dwindling supply. This contradiction confuses an ordinary listener. How do these masks magically protect the wearers only and only if they work in a particular field?

8. health experts 衛生專家
9. the Surgeon General of the United States 美國衛生部部長
10. protect the general public 保護大眾
11. dwindling supply 減少的供應量

首先，包括美國衛生部部長在內的許多衛生專家向公眾表示，對一般民眾而言，口罩並非必要的防護措施，同時醫護人員所需的用品也愈來愈少。這矛盾的說法令聽眾困惑。難道只有特定領域的佩戴者，才能使口罩神奇地發揮效用？

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Second, there were attempts to bolster the first message, that ordinary people didn’t need masks, by telling people that masks, especially medical-grade respirator masks (such as the N95 masks), needed proper fitting and that ordinary people without such fitting wouldn’t benefit. This message was also deeply counterproductive. Many people also wash their hands wrong, but we don’t respond to that by telling them not to bother. Instead, we provide instructions; we post signs in bathrooms; we help people sing songs that time their hand-washing. Telling people they can’t possibly figure out how to wear a mask properly isn’t a winning message.

12. attempts (n.) to bolster... 試圖支持...
13. medical-grade respirator masks 醫用級的防護型口罩
14. deeply counterproductive 極其不當
15. not bother to do something 不願做某事*
16. figure out 釐清

*(not) bother to do something: https://www.ldoceonline.com/dictionary/bother

其次，為了加強上述說法的說服力，他們更進一步指出：醫用級的防護型口罩（ 如N95口罩）需搭配適當的裝備，在沒有適當裝備的情況下，此類口罩無法對普通民眾起到有效的防護作用。這簡直是一派胡言。許多人的洗手方式也是錯的，但我們並不會告訴他們不要洗手。事實上，我們提供相關指示；我們在廁所張貼宣傳標語；我們教大家唱歌以確保洗手的時間。說人們無法搞清楚配戴口罩的正確方式，並非一個有利的宣示。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Third, of course masks work — maybe not perfectly and not all to the same degree, but they provide some protection. Their use has always been advised as part of the standard response to being around infected people, especially for people who may be vulnerable. World Health Organization officials wear masks during their news briefings. That was the reason I had bought a few in early January — I had been conducting research in Hong Kong, which has a lot of contact with mainland China, and expected to go back. I had studied and taught about the sociology of pandemics and knew from the SARS experience in 2003 that health officials in many high-risk Asian countries had advised wearing masks.

17. to the same degree 在同一程度上
18. provide some protection 提供一些保護
19. the standard response to something 對某事的標準對策
20. news briefings 新聞發布會
21. conduct research 進行研究
22. the sociology of pandemics 流行病社會學
23. advise wearing masks 建議配戴口罩

第三，口罩當然有用——儘管不完美，效果也不盡相同，但它們確實能提供防護。戴口罩一直是置身感染者周圍的標準對策之一，對於易感染群體更是如此。世界衛生組織的官員在新聞發布會上也戴著口罩。這就是我一月初買了些許口罩的原因——我先前在香港作研究，因此與中國大陸多所接觸。我研究過也教過流行病社會學，從2003年SARS的經驗中得知，許多高風險的亞洲國家的衛生官員都建議佩戴口罩。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Fourth, the W.H.O. and the C.D.C. told the public to wear masks if they were sick. However, there is increasing evidence of asymptomatic transmission, especially through younger people who have milder cases and don’t know they are sick but are still infectious. Since the W.H.O. and the C.D.C. do say that masks lessen the chances that infected people will infect others, then everyone should use masks. If the public is told that only the sick people are to wear masks, then those who do wear them will be stigmatized and people may well avoid wearing them if it screams “I’m sick.” Further, it’s very difficult to be tested for Covid-19 in the United States. How are people supposed to know for sure when to mask up?

24. there is increasing evidence of 愈來愈多的證據表明
25. asymptomatic transmission 無症狀傳染
26. mild cases 輕微的案例
27. be stigmatized 被羞辱, 被侮辱
28. be supposed to 應該*

*https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/be%20supposed%20to
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GebRh9T-zE0

第四，世界衛生組織與疾控中心都曾告訴民眾，如果生病了就要戴口罩。然而，已有愈來愈多的證據顯示無症狀的傳播，尤其是輕症的年輕人並不知道自己生病了，卻仍具有傳染性。鑑於世界衛生組織與疾控中心都已明確說過，口罩會降低人傳人的機會，那麼每個人都該戴口罩。如果大眾被告知，只有病人才需要戴口罩，那麼戴口罩的人就會被污名化，人們或許會盡可能地避免戴口罩，畢竟戴著口罩就像在街上大喊——「我生病了」。更無消說在美國檢測新型冠狀病毒已是件非常困難的事了。民眾到底要怎麼確定何時該戴起口罩？

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Fifth, places like Hong Kong and Taiwan that jumped to action early with social distancing and universal mask wearing have the pandemic under much greater control, despite having significant travel from mainland China. In fact, Taiwan responded to the coronavirus by immediately ramping up mask production.

29. jump to action 即刻行動
30. have something under control 使某事在掌控之中
31. ramp up 提升
32. mask production 口罩產量

第五，像及早採取行動的香港與臺灣，保持社交距離並讓全民戴著口罩，而使疫情得到極大的控制，即便有不少中國大陸的旅客前往。事實上，臺灣在第一時間就提升口罩的產量以應對武漢肺炎。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Sixth, masks are an important signal that it’s not business as usual as well as an act of solidarity. Pandemics require us to change our behavior — our socialization, hygiene, work and more — collectively, and knowing our fellow citizens are on board is important for all efforts.

33. an important signal 一個重要的訊號
34. business as usual 一切照舊
35. an act of solidarity 團結行動
36. be on board 參與*

*be on board: be a part of a group or team, especially for a special purpose
https://bit.ly/39hJvqD

第六，口罩是一個重要的訊號，表明情況一反常態，需要全民團結行動。疫情使我們集體改變行為——社交、環境衛生與工作等，並了解每位同胞的參與對所有努力都至關重要。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Finally, providing top-down guidance with such obvious contradictions backfires exactly because lack of trust is what fuels hoarding and misinformation. It used to be said that back in the Soviet Union, if there was a line, you first got in line and then figured out what the line was for — people knew that there were going to be shortages and that the authorities often lied, so they hoarded. And when people feel as though they may not be getting the full truth from the authorities, snake-oil sellers and price gougers have an easier time.

37. an obvious contradiction 一個明顯的矛盾
38. backfire （計劃）產生適得其反的結果；產生反效果
39. the lack of trust 缺乏信任
40. fuel (v.) 刺激；激起
41. get the full truth 得到全部的真相
42. snake oil salesman 黑心推銷員（19世紀時「snake-oil」號稱有治百病的功效，後引申作「誇大不實的廣告」，故「snake oil salesman」係指「黑心推銷員」。）
43. price gouger 哄抬價格者
44. have an easy time 日子過得輕鬆舒坦；好過

最後，政府提供如此矛盾的指引，必會適得其反，因為缺乏信任反倒會助長囤糧與假消息。曾有人說，在蘇聯，如果看見一條人龍，你要先排進隊伍，然後再弄清楚大家是在排什麼——人們知道物資將會短缺，而當局經常撒謊，所以他們必須囤糧。當人們察覺當局似乎沒有給出全部的真相時，黑心推銷員與哄抬價格者的日子將過得較以往滋潤。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Given that there is indeed a mask shortage and that medical workers absolutely do need these masks more, what should the authorities have said? The full painful truth. Despite warnings from experts for decades, especially after the near miss of SARS, we still weren’t prepared for this pandemic, and we did not ramp up domestic production when we could, and now there’s a mask shortage — and that’s disastrous because our front line health care workers deserve the best protection. Besides, if they fall ill, we will all be doomed.

45. the painful truth 殘酷的真相
46. frontline healthcare workers 第一線的醫護人員
47. deserve the best 值得最好的

鑑於口罩確實短缺而醫護人員也絕對更需要口罩，那麼當局該怎麼說？當然是要吐出所有的真相。儘管數十年來一直有專家發出的警告，尤其是在SARS消失後，我們依舊沒有為這種全球性的大流行病做好準備，當我們還有餘裕時，我們也沒有提升國內的產量，如今口罩短缺——那是災難性的，因為我們的前線醫護人員應該得到最好的防護。 況且，如果他們病倒了，我們將必死無疑。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Research shows that during disasters, people can show strikingly altruistic behavior, but interventions by authorities can backfire if they fuel mistrust or treat the public as an adversary rather than people who will step up if treated with respect. Given that even homemade masks may work better than no masks, wearing them might be something to direct people to do while they stay at home more, as we all should. We will no doubt face many challenges as the pandemic moves through our societies, and people will need to cooperate. The sooner we create the conditions under which such cooperation can bloom, the better off we all will be.

48. research shows that… 研究表明……
49. altruistic behavior 利他的行為
50. fuel mistrust 激起不信任
51. treat…as an adversary 如敵人般對待……
52. be treated with respect 受到尊敬
53. no doubt 毫無疑問

研究表明，在災難期間，人們會呈現出顯著的利他行為，但若當局的干預助長了不信任，或者如敵人般地對待公眾，那麼將會適得其反。有鑑於自製的口罩可能都好過沒有口罩，所以戴著口罩可能是人們待在家裡時更要做的事，我們也該如此。毫無疑問，隨著疫情在社會的蔓延，我們將面臨許多挑戰，人們將需要合作。我們愈早為合作創造出有利的條件，就能愈早走出困境。

完整報導: https://nyti.ms/2xqVXa

讀者評語: https://bit.ly/2xschre

圖片來源: https://bit.ly/3agVkyE

延伸閱讀: https://s.nikkei.com/2WHNZEw

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時事英文大全: http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

上一週的「時事英文」講義和使用方式: https://bit.ly/3a9rr38

A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew

THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...

I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________

(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)

*

The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.

His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.

In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.

We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.

Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.

Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.

International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.

Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.

As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.

With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.

The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.

Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.

Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.

It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.

It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.

Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.

He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.

The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?

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SAYANG! kindly share.

EDEN KAI [イーデン・カイ] a.k.a. Yusuke Aizawa (鮎澤悠介), had the great honor to meet the late Legendary Concert Promoter Tom Moffatt who invited Eden to Tom Moffatt Productions with Producer Alan Arato. Mahalo! Uncle Tom wanted to listen to Eden's debut CD album "TOUCH THE SKY" and meet the new rising star who Uncle Tom called "Michael Jackson" has been causing recent excitement and buzz in the Hawaii media. They were impressed with his recent stellar performance at the Miss Hawaii America pageant and mentioned Eden Kai is the first artist in Hawaii they have ever seen become a household name in Hawaii so quickly. They met on October 5, 2015 in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Big thanks and much MAHOLOs to Uncle Tom for his awesome support and believing in the amazing future ahead for Eden Kai and for bringing the world's greatest artists to Hawaii from Elvis, the Beatles, Stevie Wonder, Three Dog Night, Journey, Michael Jackson, Janet Jackson, Whitney Houston...Over five decades all of the biggest concerts and shows in Hawaii were promoted by the one and only Tom Moffatt, Hawaii's Legend and true Legacy. It was a huge experience for Eden, like meeting all of the world's superstars at one time, especially since Michael Jackson and his music has been a major inspiration. :-)

Update: Very sad that not long afterwards Tom Moffatt passed away in 2016. RIP Uncle Tom. Thank you so much for realizing and encouraging Eden Kai to continue his passions and dreams!

"TOUCH THE SKY" album was nominated for Instrumental Album of the Year in the 39th Nā Hōkū Hanohano Awards which is like Hawaii's Grammy Music Awards!!!

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About EDEN KAI:
With millions of fans around the world, Eden Kai has earned his reputation as being a ukulele and guitar virtuoso, a Pop/R&B vocalist, and an accomplished actor. While many were first introduced to Eden when he joined the cast of Netflix and Fuji Television’s Terrace House: Aloha State, the young star’s success had already been years in the making. He has since gone on to make additional appearances on Terrace House: Tokyo 2019-2020, appeared on Shiro to Kiiro on Amazon Prime and has performed at the Fuji Rock Festival (the largest outdoor music festival in Japan), Nisei Week Festival in Little Tokyo, OC Japan Fair and ANA Honolulu Music Week in Waikiki. Eden’s accomplishments have earned him interviews by NBC News and The Yomiuri Shinbun (the world’s most circulated newspaper).

His most recent album, Home Sweet Home, released in 2018 and was recorded in Tokyo, Japan, produced by his music label in Japan Victor Entertainment. Three tracks from that album were featured in episodes of Netflix Japan’s Terrace House during the show’s Opening New Doors and Tokyo 2019-2020 seasons. The series also featured Eden’s instrumental compositions of “Touch the Sky” and “Feel the Earth.” “Monogatari” was his debut pop vocal single, which he wrote and performed on the show. That music, as well as Eden’s past album releases, can be heard on all major streaming services and is available for purchase on Eden’s official website, www.EdenKai.com.

In addition to working on his own music, Eden has collaborated with some of the world’s top artists and producers, including EXILE and Dream. One of his compositions was used to create “Anuenue,” a hit J-Pop single recorded and released by Dance Earth Party, which landed at #11 on the Oricon Music Charts in Japan.

Eden also recognizes the importance of using his music to help others. He has hosted several ukulele workshops in Honolulu and Japan, been the featured performer at the Waikiki Spam Jam, benefiting the largest non-profit in Hawaii that feeds the needy, and the Hawaii Food and Wine Festival from which proceeds helped local children in the community. Eden has donated proceeds from some of his songs to assist humanitarian causes, including the support of a health center in Haiti and the purchase of educational materials for children in Bangladesh.

Thanks for watching and please SUBSCRIBE for more videos coming soon!

"Keep Doing What You Love!" ~ Eden Kai

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