關於 traitor中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[時事英文] 言論自由與冠狀病毒
　
在自由的社會中，每位公民都能依照個人的自由意志來行使權利。言論自由讓每位公民都能監督政府，要求政府改變不公不義的法規與政策。
　
In a free society, all citizens must be able to pursue their own paths, set their own goals, and think for themselves. The freedom of speech safeguards these rights as it enables us to challenge and change government regulations and laws we find oppressive and unjust.
　
歷史表明，在缺乏監督機制的情況下，政府的絕對權力將導致絕對的腐化。即便有些言論不合我們的心意，但禁止人們發聲不僅限制了言論自由，也剝奪了人們聽取他人意見的權利。禁止言論，並不能禁絕思想。唯有透過對話與協商，才能達成共識，而使社會進步。
　
History has shown that without the corrective mechanism of free speech, governments would consolidate their powers without regard for the rights and freedom of those whom they ought to serve. To deny people of free speech is a double wrong, because doing so would also deprive people of the right to listen, even though some speech would undoubtedly make us feel uncomfortable. Banning certain speech would not result in the elimination of ideas. It is through engagement and negotiation that we can reach consensus and progress as a society.
　
每個人都應享有批評政府的權利，而無需擔心遭受迫害。這也是當今公民得以贏得諸多權利的原因。言論自由是值得全體人類努力爭取的基本人權。
　
All people ought to have the right to criticize their government without fear of persecution, because it is how we have won the rights we have today. The freedom of speech is a fundamental human right and it’s worth fighting to protect.
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
《紐約時報》報導：
　
Trevor Noah, the host of “The Daily Show,” has won praise on the Chinese internet for his searing criticism of the Trump administration’s mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic. So has Jerry Kowal, an American who makes Chinese-language videos chronicling the dire situation in New York.
　
1. win praise 贏得讚賞
2. searing criticism 猛烈抨擊
3. mishandle (v.) 對⋯⋯處理不當
4. chronicle 記錄
5. a dire situation 可怕的情況
　
因為猛烈抨擊川普政府對新冠病毒疫情的應對不當，《每日秀》主持人特雷弗・諾亞（編按：中國網民給他取了一個暱稱叫崔娃）在中國的網路上備受讚賞。受到追捧的還有郭傑瑞，作為美國人，他製作的中文影片記錄了紐約的可怕情形。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
China’s response to the virus has its own sharp-eyed critics at home, and they have found a vastly different reception. One resident of the virus-struck city of Wuhan who writes under the name Fang Fang documented despair, misery and everyday life in an online diary, and has endured withering attacks on social media. Three citizen journalists who posted videos from Wuhan in the first weeks of the outbreak disappeared and are widely believed to be in government custody.
　
6. response to 回應
7. sharp-eyed 眼尖的；目光敏銳的
8. a vastly different reception 截然不同的對待
9. virus-struck 病毒侵襲
10. document (v.) 記錄
11. endure attacks 忍受攻擊
12. withering 令人難堪的；嚴厲的
13. be in government custody 被政府監禁（或拘留）
　
中國對疫情的應對在國內也引發了尖銳的批評，但這些批評者卻遭到了截然不同的對待。在病毒肆虐的武漢，一位筆名方方的居民用網路日記記錄了人們的絕望、痛苦和日常生活，結果她在社群媒體上遭到了猛烈的攻擊。在疫情暴發的前幾週，三位在武漢發布影片的公民記者失蹤了，人們普遍認為政府把他們抓走了。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The pandemic unfolded dramatically differently in China from the way it has in the rest of the world — at least, if one believes state-run Chinese media. Chinese news outlets used words like “purgatory” and “apocalypse” to describe the tragic hospital scenes in Italy and Spain. They have run photos of British and American medical workers wearing garbage bags as protective gear. A lot of the same miseries happened in China, but those reports were called “rumors” and censored.
　
14. pandemic 全球性流行病
15. unfold 展開；顯露
16. state-run 國營；國有
17. news outlet 新聞出處
18. purgatory 煉獄
19. apocalypse 末日（天啟）
　
在中國，這場大流行的展現方式與世界其他地方截然不同——至少，如果你相信中國官方媒體的話。中國的新聞媒體用「煉獄」和「末日」這樣的詞來描述義大利和西班牙醫院裡的悲慘情形。它們還登載了英國和美國的醫務人員把垃圾袋當防護服的照片。中國也有很多類似的悲劇，但那些報導被稱為「謠言」而遭到刪除。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The death of Li Wenliang, the whistle-blowing doctor in Wuhan, on Feb. 6 galvanized many Chinese people into demanding freedom of speech. Online sentiment became much more skeptical, and many young people openly challenged the party’s message.
　
20. a whistleblower 吹哨者
21. galvanize somebody into… 激起；使震驚
22. freedom of speech 言論自由
23. online sentiment 網路輿情
24. skeptical 存疑的；持懷疑態度的
25. openly challenge 公開挑戰（或質疑）
　
２月６日，武漢吹哨醫生李文亮的去世激起了許多中國人對言論自由的要求。網路上的懷疑情緒更多，許多年輕人公開質疑黨的訊息。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Then the United States and other countries bungled their own responses, and China’s propaganda machine saw an opportunity. Using the West’s transparency and free flow of information, state media outlets chronicled how badly others have managed the crisis. Their message: Those countries should copy China’s model. For good measure, the propaganda machine revved up its attacks on anybody who dared to question the government’s handling of the pandemic. For many people in China, the push is working. Wielding a mix of lies and partial truths, some young people are waging online attacks against individuals and countries that contradict their belief in China’s superior response.
　
26. bungle 弄糟；（笨手笨腳地）把……搞砸
27. propaganda machine 宣傳機器
28. see an opportunity 看見機會
29. manage a crisis
30. transparency 透明度
31. free flow of information 資訊的自由流動
32. chronicle (v.) 記錄
33. rev up sb/sth（使）活躍；（使）積極
34. dare to question 敢於質疑
　
後來，當美國和其它國家搞砸了各自的疫情應對時，中國的宣傳機器看到了機會。中國官媒利用西方媒體的透明度和資訊的自由流動，記錄了其它國家在應對危機時的糟糕表現。他們的訊息是：這些國家應該效仿中國模式。此外，宣傳機器還加大力度，攻擊那些敢質疑中國政府處理疫情方式的人。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Many of the same people praising Mr. Noah have been slinging arrows and rocks at Fang Fang, whose real name is Wang Fang, for telling the truth about China. Her diary was moderate and personal, and a place where many of us turned for comfort during the darkest hours of China’s epidemic. But after Harper Collins announced plans to publish it in English, tens of thousands of online users descended on her Weibo account, saying she was a traitor for supporting the enemy’s narrative.
　
35. sling arrows and rocks 口誅筆伐
36. tell the truth about 說了關於⋯⋯的實話
37. moderate 溫和的
38. turn to comfort 尋求慰藉
39. the darkest hours 最黑暗的時刻
40. descend on 突襲；向⋯⋯湧來
41. a traitor 叛徒；賣國賊
　
在這些讚美諾亞的人中，有很多卻對真名為汪芳的方方口誅筆伐，就因為她說了關於中國的實話。她的日記是溫和而私人的，在中國疫情蔓延最黑暗的時刻，我們中的許多人都在這裡尋求安慰。但在哈珀柯林斯出版社宣布計劃出版該日記的英文版後，成千上萬的網民攻擊了方方的微博帳號，說她在支持敵人的敘事，是個賣國賊。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The online backlash has been so severe, Fang Fang wrote on Weibo, that it reminds her of the Cultural Revolution, the decade of political violence and chaos that she saw as a child. The only comfort, she wrote, is that “this type of Cultural Revolution is only conducted in cyberspace.”
　
42. online backlash 網路上的強烈反對
43. the Cultural Revolution 文化大革命
44. remind sb of sth 使⋯⋯想起⋯⋯
45. political violence and chaos 政治暴力與混亂
　
方方在微博上寫道，這種網路叫罵是如此嚴重，令她回想起兒時目睹文化大革命的政治暴力和混亂的十年。唯一的寬慰是「這種文革只在網路空間進行著」，她寫道。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
May everyone in the world have the freedom to criticize their governments without fear. May we, no matter what our opinions are, speak out to safeguard human rights.
　
願世人都能享有言論自由，批評政府時無須擔驚受怕。即便意見相左，都能為捍衛人權而奮鬥。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
《紐約時報》完整報導：https://nyti.ms/35aI90l
　
圖片出處：https://bit.ly/2y6iN7X
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc
　
時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
　
如何使用「時事英文」：https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
　
＃疫情英文

話說李奧納多的新片(The Revenant)中文片名貌似要叫做【神鬼獵人】，昨天分享預告時網友 羅浚瑋 貼心的幫忙整理了一下，片名之中有【神鬼】兩字的電影...實在是非常壯觀的一張清單。

還不包括叫【鬼神】的喔！

神鬼傳奇３ The Mummy: Tomb of the Dragon Emperor 2008
神鬼奇航3：世界的盡頭 Pirates of the Caribbean: At Worlds End 2007
神鬼認證4 The Bourne Legacy 2012
神鬼奇航：幽靈海 Pirates of the Caribbean: On Stranger Tides 2011
神鬼認證：最後通牒 The Bourne Ultimatum 2007
神鬼認證 The Bourne Identity 2002
神鬼戰士 Gladiator [2000] 2000
神鬼認證2：神鬼疑雲 The Bourne Supremacy 2004
神鬼獵殺 Largo Winch 2008
神鬼制裁２：就地正法 Punisher: War Zone 2008
神鬼奇航：鬼盜船魔咒 Pirates of the Caribbean: The Curse of the Black Pearl 2003
神鬼無間 The Departed 2006
神鬼傳奇 The Mummy 1999
神鬼奇航2：加勒比海盜 Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Man's Chest 2006
神鬼傳奇２ The Mummy Returns 2001
神鬼交鋒 Catch Me If You Can 2002
神鬼驚奇：古生物復活 The Extraordinary Adventures Of Adele Blanc-Sec 2010
神鬼叛諜 Traitor 2008
神鬼玩家 The Aviator 2004
神鬼制裁 The Punisher [2004] 2004
神鬼第六感 The Others 2001
神鬼尖兵2 The Boondock Saints II: All Saints Day 2009
神鬼獵殺2 The Burma Conspiracy 2010
神鬼剋星 The Brothers Grimm 2005
神鬼大盜 Mortdecai 2015 3192
神鬼任務2 Art of War: The Betrayal 2008
神鬼任務 The Art Of War 2000
神鬼至尊 The Saint 1997
神鬼願望 Bedazzled 2000
神鬼危機 Journey to the End of the Night 2006
神鬼廚師 Odd Thomas 2012
神鬼二勢力 Bandidas 2006
神鬼尖兵 Sneakers 1992
神鬼大反撲 Dracula 2000 2000
神鬼莫測 Reindeer Games 2000
神鬼拍檔 Bad Company [US} 2002
神鬼交易 The unjust 2010
神鬼傳奇：聖石謎藏 The Riddles of the Sphinx 2008
神鬼任務3 The Art of War III: Retribution 2008
神鬼競技場 The Arena 2001
神鬼競技場 [2010] Claang the Game 2010
神鬼大法師 Possessed [2000] 2000
波濤胸湧神鬼綺航 Pirates[2005] 2005
神鬼奇兵 Operation Delta Force 1997
神鬼關頭：異形復仇 Peter Benchley's Creature 1998
神鬼高校 2007
魔界轉生：神鬼復活 Samurai Resurrection 2003
神鬼奇兵：失落的寶藏 Jack Hunter:The Lost Treasure of Ugarit 2008
神鬼禁地 Cerberus 2005
神鬼團隊 Mean Machine 2001
神鬼仲裁 2009
神鬼重裁 The Outlaw 2010
神鬼追擊 The Listening 2006
神鬼特工 Agent Vinod 2012
神鬼妙計 Foolproof 2004
神鬼追緝 Art Heist 2004
神鬼拳王 Gladiator [1992] 1992
神鬼奇謀 Who is Cletis Tout 2001
神鬼剁手 Chopper 2000
神鬼騙局 Circus 2000
神鬼戰將 Hidden Agenda [2001] 2001
神鬼英豪 The Minion 1998
神鬼傭兵 D4 2010
神鬼奇航5: 死無對證 Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Men Tell No Tales 2016
神鬼綺航之波濤胸湧２ PIRATES 2 2007
神鬼特警 Airborne [1998] 1998
神鬼女戰士 Amazons and Gladiators 2001
神鬼格鬥 Germanus 2003
神鬼妙探 The Good Bad Guy 1997
神鬼戰陣 New blood [1999] 1999
神鬼魔法 WITCHES OF THE CARIBBEAN 2005
神鬼出竅 X Change 2000
神鬼突擊隊 Frogmen 2002
神鬼七武士 The Seven Magnificent Gladiators 1983
魔翼殺手5：神鬼帝國 The Prophecy: Forsaken 2005
神鬼嬌娃 3 3 Wild Angels 2003
蛋蛋神鬼奇航 Egg 2005
神鬼豔后 The Awakening [1980] 1980

那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)

【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】

「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

（“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”）

上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容...

2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。

朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。）

對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！

德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些...

有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──

而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！

謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
　

──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。

中英譯全文：

雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影

Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”

蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」

This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.

對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。

Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.

現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。

Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”

台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」

Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」

To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”

對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」

The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”

國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」

Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.

蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」

After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.

在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。

Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.

就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。

She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.

在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」

After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”

2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」

A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.

2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。

Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.

台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。

The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”

這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」

The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”

台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」

Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”

蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」

That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”

這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」

It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.

這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」

Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.

北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。

Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.

兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。

The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”

民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」

Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”

蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」

Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”

蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」

Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”

蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei

─────────────────────
圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^

（歡迎任何形式分享，一律免問）

Hollow Knight ALL BOSSES + END

00:00 Intro
01:47 Boss 1: Gruz Mother - 格魯茲之母
02:34 Boss 2: False Knight - 假騎士
04:42 Boss 3: Hornet - 大黃蜂
06:38 Boss 4: Mantis Lords - 螳螂領主
10:26 Boss 5: Xero - 澤若
12:18 Boss 6: Crystal Guardian - 水晶守衛
14:16 Boss 7: Soul Master - 靈魂大師
17:03 Boss 8: Soul Tyrant - 靈魂暴君
22:29 Boss 9: Flukemarm - 吸蟲之母
24:28 Boss 10: Dung Defender - 糞蟲防御者
27:29 Boss 11: Broken Vessel - 殘破容器
29:58 Boss 12: Lost Kin - 失落近親
33:17 Boss 13: Watcher Knights - 守望者騎士
37:07 Boss 14: Crystal Guardian (Round Two)  - 暴怒守衛
38:11 Boss 15: Hornet (Round Two) - 崗哨大黃蜂
41:36 Boss 16: Nosk - 諾斯克
43:50 Boss 17: Galien - 加利安
44:36 Boss 18: Brooding Mawlek - 躁鬱的毛里克
45:19 Boss 19: Uumuu - 烏姆
47:42 Boss 20: Marmu - 馬爾穆
48:33 Final Boss 21: The Hollow Knight - 空洞騎士
53:35 Boss 22: Gorb - 戈布
54:38 Boss 23: The Collector - 收藏家
57:27 Boss 24: Grimm - 格林
01:02:08 Boss 25: Failed Champion - 失敗冠軍
01:03:53 Boss 26: God Tamer - 神之馴服者
01:06:10 Boss 27: Hive Knight - 蜂巢騎士
01:08:10 Boss 28: Traitor Lord - 叛徒領主
01:10:02 Boss 31: Nightmare King Grimm - 夢魘之王：格林
01:14:02 Boss 32: Markoth - 馬科斯
01:16:06 Boss 33: White Defender - 白色防御者
01:19:07 Boss 34: Elder Hu - 胡長老
01:20:10 Boss 35: No Eyes - 無眼
01:21:54 Boss 36: Zote - 左特
01:22:42 Boss 37: Grey Prince Zote  - 灰色王子左特
01:26:18 True Final Boss 38: Radiance - 輻光


53:01 END 1 : The Hollow Knight
01:24:35 END 2 : Sealed Siblings
01:30:22 END 3 : Dream No More

======================================================
生活channel :
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Facebook :
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#粵語 #廣東話

#TheAmazingWorldofGumball #CartoonNetwork #Alan
我並不擁有此影片
影片所有權歸屬於Cartoon Network
I do NOT own this video
All rights goes to Cartoon Network

(第一個片段左右顛倒才不會無法公開)

啊.......
吐槽點太多 我有點反應不過來了
這些片段分別來自不同的集數
都寫在右上角

那個... 稍微補充一些東西...
什麼蔬菜不選偏偏選茄子...
茄子的表情符號在外國是種性暗示的意思 代表著某樣東西
對 你沒聽錯 就是茄子
這算是種潛規則(?) 想知道的可以自己去查Eggplant emoji

然後後面兩個片段也是OuO...嗯...
因為太狂了 特別剪出來給大家看看
哈哈...哈... (會不會被車掉啊...)

註解區:

稍後補上


希望大家能多多支持我們翻譯組!
訂閱頻道追蹤更多我們的影片!
關於我們翻譯組: https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=4035888
動畫與額外翻譯的網誌:https://weedtrouble.blogspot.com/
我們的Twitter: https://twitter.com/TransWeed

片尾音樂來源:
Track: Janji - Heroes Tonight (feat. Johnning) [NCS Release]
Music provided by NoCopyrightSounds.
Watch: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3nQNiWdeH2Q
Free Download / Stream: http://ncs.io/ht

這次要來玩的是超經典的恐怖桌遊 《山中小屋》 ，有興趣的話現在中文版在全台各大桌遊店、玩具反斗城皆有發售


#跟我一起 #宅在家
#跟我一起宅在家
「山中小屋」是個經典的探索類角色扮演遊戲，玩家扮演著受邀來到深山中一座豪宅，然後當所有人進屋之後，卻發現大門被鎖上了，而豪宅中不斷地發生一些詭異的事件，玩家必須尋找逃離的辦法。然而，在不知不覺中，有人成為了背叛者！引出了可怕的怪物，玩家該如何才能齊心協力地打到怪物，平安回家呢？讓我們一起來看看吧！
遊戲設置：

．將大廳板塊、兩個起始房間板塊放在場中央。

．將剩下的房間板塊洗勻，疊成一疊，面朝下放在一旁。

．將卡片分別洗勻，面朝下放在一旁。

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．每位玩家選擇一個角色，拿取該角色的模型與板塊，以及4個夾子。

．角色板塊有分成兩面，大體沒什麼差別，只要是起始數值有些微調，選擇喜歡的一面就可以了。

．每個角色都會有四個數值，力量（might）、速度（speed）、知識（knowledge）、精神（sanity）。發生戰鬥時力量越高越容易打贏；速度影響玩家的移動距離；精神與知識越高在遭遇靈異事件時抵抗力越高。將夾子夾在每個數值的起始數值旁，也就是「綠色」的那個數字旁。

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（圖片誤植，體力應改為力量。）



．所有玩家將角色模型放在大廳板塊的大門前。

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．將指示物、劇本放在一旁準備。

．選擇一位起始玩家就可以開始了。



遊戲流程：

．遊戲分成兩大階段，探索階段和預兆階段。



一、探索階段：

．此階段玩家不能進行攻擊，只能不斷在大宅中探索，開啟新的房間與事件。

．從起始玩家開始，以順時針的方向進行，輪到玩家回合，有3個步驟。

1、移動：

．玩家可以在大宅中移動，移動的距離根據角色的「速度」，例如：紫色玩家的速度數值是4，紫色玩家一次可以移動4格，一個房間為一格。

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．當玩家移動到有門，且沒有房間的地方時，就會自動停下並開啟新的房間。

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2、開啟房間：

房間分成三層樓，二樓、一樓、地下室。房間板塊背面的亮燈，表示該板塊可以在該樓層打開。



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．玩家必須翻到符合樓層的板塊，若玩家在一樓，牌庫頂的板塊不符合條件，就必須面朝下棄掉該板塊，繼續翻下一個，直到翻到可以在一樓開啟的房間。

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．二樓必須從大廳板塊的「主樓梯間」上去，連接到「樓上平台」。地下室一開始下不去，之後可能遭遇陷阱掉下去，連接到「地下平台」。







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．新房間必須放置在玩家剛剛探索的位置，將門對其門。接著根據新房間上面的圖示或敘述，觸發房間效果或圖示效果。



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3、圖示效果：

．當有圖示的房間第一次被開啟時，該玩家的移動立刻結束，必須停在該房間，並執行圖示效果。若不是因為玩家主動開啟而出現的房間，則不需要執行圖示效果，即使之後有人進入房間也不需要。

．玩家進入房間後，根據房間顯示的圖示，抽取一張相同圖示的卡片，並執行卡片的效果。

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．圖示分成三種，對應三種卡片。

●事件卡：

依照卡片的內容執行動作，執行完將卡片棄掉。

●物品卡：

玩家面朝上將卡片放在自己面前，接下來每回合玩家可以使用一次此物品。

●預兆卡：

玩家面朝上將卡片放在自己面前，然後依照卡片的內容執行動作。該玩家的回合結束後，必須進行預兆檢定。

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＊預兆檢定：

當有玩家翻開預兆卡時，執行完卡片效果後，就必須進行預兆檢定。

玩家丟擲6顆骰子，若擲出來的總和小於目前場上公開的預兆卡數量（包含剛剛翻開的），則會進入預兆階段，擲骰的玩家則為「預兆開啟者」。



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二、預兆階段：

．進入預兆階段後，根據劇本上顯示，會分成冒險者和背叛者（或怪物），彼此會有各自的勝利條件，先達成勝利條件的一方獲勝。

．劇本的選擇是根據開啟預兆階段的那個「房間名稱」與「卡片名稱」，再根據說明書上顯示的表格，找出對應的劇本編號，就是此次的劇本了。



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．劇本會分成冒險者和背叛者兩本，一般來說「預兆開啟者」就是背叛者，剩下的玩家則是冒險者。但是少數的劇本沒有背叛者，而是所有玩家對抗遊戲設置的怪物。

．雙方的劇本與勝利條件都不公開，只有己方知道。

．當玩家成為背叛者時，所有負面的效果都會消失。



．背叛者可以暫時離開座位5分鐘，到旁邊研究一下自己的獲勝條件；其他玩家則趁這個時候討論策略。雙方只是大略知道對方的目標，但詳細的策略及獲勝條件並不清楚。

．每個劇本的設定都不太一樣，背叛者與玩家要詳讀劇本敘述。

．根據劇本設置初始設置之後（放置怪物或物品），從背叛者的左手邊玩家開始，以順時針的方向進行遊戲。冒險者的回合還是跟「探索階段」一樣，可以探索新的房間，或是主動攻擊背叛者和怪物，只是翻開預兆卡後不需要再進行預兆檢定。而背叛者的回合只能控制本身的角色，回合結束後再執行怪物的回合。就算背叛者死亡，只要怪物可以達成背叛者的勝利條件，一樣可以進行怪物的回合。

＊通用規則：（探索階段不會發生攻擊、死亡）

1、使用物品：

在玩家的回合（不論冒險者或背叛者），一個物品有四個動作可以選擇一個來執行。

（1）使用物品：根據卡片內容執行物品效果。

（2）交易物品：在同一個房間的玩家之間可以交易物品，雙方都接受的情況下，玩家A可以把物品交給玩家B。

（3）丟棄物品：玩家可以將任意數量的物品丟棄在所處的房間。

（4）撿起物品：玩家可以撿起所處房間地上，任意數量的物品。

玩家只能選擇一個動作來做，也就是說無法使用物品進行攻擊後，再跟其他玩家交易此物品。

注意！某些物品是無法進行交易的，但是可以被丟棄之後由另一位玩家撿起，但也有物品是無法被丟棄的。

2、穿越：

「預兆階段」開始後，若玩家與對手處在同一個房間，必須多花一點移動點數才可以離開此房間。不論是冒險者、背叛者、怪物皆是如此。

3、檢定：

當玩家因為卡片效果或房間事件需要用到某個屬性來「檢定」時，拿取與該屬性數值相同數量的骰子進行擲。然後在根據卡片內容，來判斷檢定成功或失敗。

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4、攻擊：

．「預兆階段」開始後，若玩家與對手處在同一個房間，可以進行攻擊，一回合限一次。不論是冒險者、背叛者、怪物皆是如此。

．玩家與被攻擊的對手進行力量檢定（除非有特別的道具改為進行別種屬性的檢定），總和較大的那方獲勝，而失敗方必須承受雙方數值差的傷害。

．若玩家造成兩點以上的物理傷害時，可以選擇不進行傷害，而改成偷竊受傷玩家的一張物品卡，此物品卡必須是可交易物品。

．範例：玩家A攻擊同房間的玩家B，雙方進行力量檢定後，A骰出5，B骰出3，玩家B受到2點傷害，玩家A可以選擇讓他受傷，或是偷取他一件物品。



5、傷害：遊戲中受到的傷害分為2種。

（1）物理傷害：力量或是速度檢定後受傷，會造成物理傷害。受傷玩家必須將自己的力量或速度屬性下降，下降的格數等同傷害數值。下降數值可以任意分配在兩個屬性上。

（2）精神傷害：精神或是知識檢定後受傷，會造成精神傷害。受傷玩家必須將自己的精神或知識屬性下降，下降的格數等同傷害數值。下降數值可以任意分配在兩個屬性上。

．範例：紫色玩家受到紅色玩家攻擊，力量減定後紅色數值7，紫色數值4。

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5、死亡：

．只要玩家的任一個屬性只要下降到骷髏標誌時，該玩家就死亡了。當玩家死亡時，放置一個指示物在該房間，表示玩家身上的物品都掉在該房間的地上，若有玩家進入該房間，可撿起物品。

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．怪物被擊倒時不會死亡，而是進入昏迷狀態。昏迷的怪物無法執行攻擊、阻止穿越，但是仍然可以進行移動。昏迷狀態只有一回合，下一個回合就恢復正常。除非劇本有特別的規則，否則一般的怪物無法探索新房間或攜帶物品。若有攜帶物品的怪物進入昏迷時，物品會掉落在該房間，怪物必須在下一個回合才可以主動將物品撿起。

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．「探索階段」時，玩家若有屬性下降，最多只會下降到最低值，但是不會死亡。


From the press release:

Betrayal at House on the Hill quickly builds suspense and excitement as players explore a haunted mansion of their own design, encountering spirits and frightening omens that foretell their fate. With an estimated one hour playing time, Betrayal at House on the Hill is ideal for parties, family gatherings or casual fun with friends.

Betrayal at House on the Hill is a tile game that allows players to build their own haunted house room by room, tile by tile, creating a new thrilling game board every time. The game is designed for three to six people, each of whom plays one of six possible characters.

Secretly, one of the characters betrays the rest of the party, and the innocent members of the party must defeat the traitor in their midst before it’s too late! Betrayal at House on the Hill will appeal to any game player who enjoys a fun, suspenseful, and strategic game.

Betrayal at House on the Hill includes detailed game pieces, including character cards, pre-painted plastic figures, and special tokens, all of which help create a spooky atmosphere and streamline game play.

An updated reprint of Betrayal at House on the Hill was released on October 5, 2010.
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