A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew
THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...
I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________
(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)
*
The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.
His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.
In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.
We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.
Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.
Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.
International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.
Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.
As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.
With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.
The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.
Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.
Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.
It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.
It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.
Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.
He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.
The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?
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SAYANG! kindly share.
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅Al Rocco,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Adidas Originals Presents. Brought to you by Red 8 红八. Shot by Alex One & DennieJJ. Music produced by Fader One. AL ROCCO 没错,我是最纯正的亚洲人 I’M AN ASIAN ...
「two heads are better than one in business」的推薦目錄:
two heads are better than one in business 在 Al Rocco Youtube 的最佳貼文
Adidas Originals Presents.
Brought to you by Red 8 红八.
Shot by Alex One & DennieJJ.
Music produced by Fader One.
AL ROCCO
没错,我是最纯正的亚洲人
I’M AN ASIAN I’M ORIGINAL
(做好我自己)
BE MYSELF
赚钱赚到手断
AND WE GETTING MONEY COAST 2 COAST
(靠自己努力)
HUSTLING BY MYSELF
但不忘我是亚洲人
I’M AN ASIAN I’M ORIGINAL
(做好我自己)
BE MYSELF
靠自己努力
HUSTLING BY MYSELF //
做好我自己
GOTTA BE MYSELF
X2
不断努力,从底层做起,别满足现在,我离成功还差的远
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM NOW WE HALF WAY TO THE TOP
中国力
CHINA POWER
中国说唱正在崛起但他们都在等着你落井
CHINAMEN ON THE RISE AND THEY WAITING FOR THAT DROP
中国力
CHINA POWER
兄弟我穿着三道杠,百炼成金
MAM I’M SWAG AS F**K THEY KNOW I GOT THE TRIPLE STRIPS
连领口都是名牌,却和黑夜做朋友
AND ON THE COLLAT WITH THE DOLLAR SHORTY HOLLA FOR THE NIGHT
快看我有多厉害,但他们只能是废柴
LOOK AT THE SWAG NOW AY, LOOK AT THEM RACKS NOW AY
夺走他们的一切,让他们明白什么是现实
GETTING THEM BAGS NOW AY, SPITTING THEM FACTS NOW
全部/看到/我的力
SHOWING THEM ALL MY POWER
他们/感觉/我的力
THEY FEEL ALL MY POWER
代表/我的/中国力
REPRESENTING MY CHINA POWER
黄的 / 皮肤 / 中国力
YELLOW SKIN CHINA POWER
ANGEL MO
若你有正经事找我 请打声招呼
HOLLA IF YOU GOT REAL BUSINESS FOR ME TO DEAL WITH
不然就趁早闪开做个可悲无知的年轻一代
OR DIE FAST, LIVE YOUNG AND STAY PATHETIC
这不是我的问题
IT AIN’T MY PROBLEM
如果你的罩杯没我大
IF YOUR BRA SIZE AIN’T TOPPING MINE
我的性格耿直也不是我的错
AIN’T MY FAULT FOR BEING HONEST
不过是拒绝当个骗子
REFUSE TO BE A FRAUD
我的世界观 简单
THE WAY I SEE THE WORLD, SIMPLE
真实的灵魂都特别难对付
HARD TO DEAL WITH THE REAL SOULS
把自己的双耳都塞住 不被外界洗脑
WITH MY EARS ALL PLUGGED
不被外界洗脑
HEAR NO PROPAGANDA
用更深层的角度 更自主地对待事情
SEEING THINGS WITH MY PINEAL GLAND
所以你骗不了我, 我忠于自己的声音
NOW FOOL ME NOT STAYING FAITHFUL TO MY OWN VOICE
我每个角度都是ORIGINAL
I’M ORIGINAL IN ANY VIEW POINT
而你不过是老把戏里的新玩具
YOU’ARE JUST AN OLD GAME NEW TOY
PQ
荧光面具下的忍者
NEON MASK LIKE A NINJA
还没打就赢了都给我听着
WINNING WITH NO FIGHT SO LISTEN TO ME
犹如彩虹围绕烟火
LIKE RAINBOW WITH FIREWORK
因为经历过的太多
CUZ I’VE BEEN THROUGH TOO MUCH
我的计划非常明确
MY PLAN IS CRYSTAL CLEAR
用我的音乐向主流侵略
INVADING MAIN STREAM WITH MY MUSIC
下一句话也不会太亲切
MY WORDS AIN’T GONNA BE NICE
听完以后你价值观会倾斜
LISTEN AND I’LL CHANGE YOUR WORLD
让那些可疑的刻意的不合理的都没法再得意
SHUTTING UP THE SUSPICOUS AND UNRESONABLE
从来不客气,当局者迷,
NEVER BEEN TOO NICE, FOOLING THE DICTATORS
旁观者可望而不可及
TOO ELUSIVE FOR BYSTANDERS
UHH本帮的腔调我随便怎么来就是这么爽,
UHH IT’S SO SWAG MY ORIGINAL TONE
他们都叫我SWAG Q, AKA MASTER P
THEY CALL ME SWAG Q, AKA MASTER P
M80
换一个FLOW 让你“WOW”别太嫉妒我
CHANGING MY FLOW, MAKING YOU WOW, DON’T ENVY ME
把你的手借给我别害羞低着头
GIVE ME YOUR HAND, DON’T BE SHY AND RAISE YOUR HEAD
我的新链 新SWAG 新态度
MY NEW CHAINS NEW SWAG NEW ATTITUDE
我的新车 新鞋 和我的新哥们
MY NEW CAR NEW SHOES AND MY NEW CREW
BOO我要把它拿下
BOO I’M GONNA TAKE IT
你知道我准备好了
YA KNOW I’M READY
靠自己靠能力为了赢不会输从来都义无反顾
HUSTLING FIGHTING FOR MYSELF, NO HESITATION
BOO我要把它拿下
BOO I’M GONNA TAKE IT
你知道我准备好了
YA KNOW I’M READY
现在我充满了ENERGY
NOW I’M FULL OF ENERGY
不在乎所谓的ENEMY
DON’T CARE ABOUT MY ENEMY
DOUBLE X2
生在92年
BORN IN 92
不用你夸奖我太酷
I’M SO COOL I DON’T NEED YOUR COMPLIMENT
也别怕攀不起的态度
DON’T BE AFRAID OF MY ATTITUDE
比珠峰还高的脉路
MY VEINS ARE HIGHER THAN EVEREST
(胡旭 是谁)
(胡旭 WHO)
是我
ME ~
跟着我的团队CHILL
CHILLING WITH MY CREW
敢小瞧我 他们被帅哭
I’M SO COOL DON’T YOU DARE ME
排队给我赞助
LINING UP TO GIVE ME SPONSORS
行事单独 全能当做战术
FIGHTING SOLO, ALL-ROUND USING MY TATICS
天生带SWAG(病毒 )SG
BORN WITH SWAG (VIRAL)
做运动潮流的(例如 )YA
LEADING THE SPORTS TREND YA
不做过客 不需伯乐 乘 风 破 浪 做自己金主
ALWAYS STAYING, DON’T NEED HELP, BREAKING THE WIND, BEING MY OWN BOSS
我知道你从来不知道的东西
I KNOW WHAT YOU NEVER EVER KNEW
我自己主导自己的秀 掌控自己秀
I AM WRITING N DIRECTING MY ONW SHOW
完美实力 (就是比你溜)
PERFECTION (ALWAYS BETTER THAN YOU)
沉淀深度 (可以比地球)
MY DEPTH (AS DEEP AS THE EARTH)
S W A G 你早知道了我的能力
S W A G MY SKILLS YOU ALREADY KNOW
命运被我掌握在手里没几个比我们ORIGINAL
HAVING FAITH IN MY HAND, NO ONE IS MORE ORIGINAL
算一算清楚
GET DOWN TO THE FLOOR
不像他们装的酷
MY COOL AIN’T LIKE OTHERS
脚下路自己走没理由被束缚 哥们别傻了
WALK MY OWN PATH NO NEED TO BE CONTROLED MAN DON’T BE A FOOL
意识到 还想要 出人头地
REALIZE I’M STILL TRYING TO HIT THE HIT THE GROUND
你迟早 还是要 跟的 跟得上
YOU HAVE TO CATCH UP AT LAST
三个臭皮匠 顶个诸葛亮
TWO HEADS ARE BETTER THAN ONE
日日夜夜都要继续跑
AM TO THE PM PM TO THE AM RUN
随时暴走 这盘口我接手
RUNAWAY ANYTIME, I’LL TAKEOVER
就算把 整条街 翻起来 BATTLE
WE CAN TURN THE WHOLE STREET OVER TO BATTLE
D O U B L E 翻倍
D O U B L E DOUBLE
DOUBLE 从不栽 跟头(跟头)
DOUBLE NEVER TRIP OVER
我才不管你 谁 谁 谁
I DON’T CARE WHO YOU ARE
碰到我你倒 霉 霉 霉
SUCKS FOR YOU TO MEET ME
没空跟你 喂 喂 喂
AIN’T GOT NO TIME WITH YOU
今天让你 赔 赔 赔
I’M GONNA MAKE YOU LOSE
SWAG SWAG SWAG SWAG 我有数不完的钱
SWAG SWAG SWAG SWAG I GOT THE MONEY BANK
RAP RAP RAP RAP 乱世英雄不断
RAP RAP RAP RAP CHAOS MAKES HEROS
TRAP TRAP TRAP TRAP 脑子不停的转
TRAP TRAP TRAP TRAP MY BRAIN KEEPS SPINNING
BANG BANG BANG BANG 努力地向钱看
BANG BANG BANG BANG HUSTLING EVERYDAY
AL ROCCO
没错,我是最纯正的亚洲人
I’M AN ASIAN I’M ORIGINAL
(做好我自己)
BE MYSELF
赚钱赚到手断
AND WE GETTING MONEY COAST 2 COAST
(靠自己努力)
HUSTLING BY MYSELF
但不忘我是亚洲人
I’M AN ASIAN I’M ORIGINAL
(做好我自己)
BE MYSELF
靠自己努力
HUSTLING BY MYSELF //
做好我自己
GOTTA BE MYSELF
X2
two heads are better than one in business 在 Two Heads Are Better Than One To Supersize Your Business! 的推薦與評價
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