#虛詞需要view #編輯部流出 #書信 #格式
寫信稱兄道弟的禮數
全文:https://bit.ly/3hmERiN
// 比如學生或記者首次致函,稱我為陳教授,我回函就自稱三字全名(我一般不喜歡在落款處加上單位職稱和學位)。到第二次往還,我可能自稱兩字名,以融洽氣氛。但這個時候,我更期待的是對方稱呼「陳老師」或「WS老師」。可是一旦我落款「WS」二字,對方第三次來函便往往逕稱「WS」,不加任何名號。十次之中有七八次如此。相比之下,如果不加名號,我更樂見被稱呼為Nicholas或Nic。畢竟於我個人而言,直呼中文名和直呼英文名完全是兩種感覺,就像直呼「我愛你」和直呼「I love you」的差異。 //
致函格式 在 搣時潘(Miss Pun) Facebook 的最讚貼文
今天想談談公函格式。某些專頁致函學校,卻連很基本的格式都錯得離譜,害我研究了一會兒才搞清楚在發生什麼事。
1.如果下面用此致,最頂應該用「敬啟者」,而不是「梁校長」。
2.梁校長後面加逗號,我笑而不語。以為自己在寫英文嗎?我倒想看看如果有英文的版本會否更好笑。
3.「此致」下面應該是寫受文者,寫回自己(聲討教協)我真是第一次見。概念是時間囊,自己寫信給自己?
4.由於格式全錯,不肯定你們想用前稱式還是後稱式,若用前稱式麻煩加上祝頌語。(不要寫「身體健康」,要寫「教安」喔!)
5.我看不見有下款,這點我想小學生都應該知道要寫下款。記著寫完身份姓名後面要加謹啟,eg「文盲 謹啟」,這樣的話就可以簡單清晰地表達你們的身份了。
6.連圖都有錯,勇敢的說出來?「的」和「地」怎樣分,麻煩做一做初小的練習。
教協及協恩中學春風化雨,政治立場倒是次要,首要該減少如閣下等文盲數量,書讀得少終日無所事事建個廢page四處獻醜,對社會的危害不容忽視,對學生的影響極為惡劣。還望諸位多讀幾年書再做紅衛兵,自重!
Shu Wan Pun
致:協恩中學 - 梁少儀校長
hys-mail@hys.edu.hk
梁校長,
本群組 『聲討教協』為 Facebook 上的一個公開專頁,於 2019年7月10日收到有家長投訴,內容如下,敬候回覆:
1。6月13日,貴校在罷課期間,有教師在課堂上痛哭,並要求同學一齊為示威者祈禱,但卻沒有說出示威者不顧警方多次發出警告,仍繼續衝擊及襲警。請問梁校長,作為聖公會屬下學校,教師沒有道出事實之全部,並以神之名帶領學生,去為違法人士祈禱,請問此做法於一位教師而言,是否恰當?
2。教師亦在課堂上,展示了 9幅漫畫,說是給同學反思,為何香港人會反送中。請問梁校長在事前是否知悉,並同意該漫畫之內容 ,適合做反對逃犯條例修訂之輔助教材?『註一:漫畫連結』
3。6月13-14日,本為協恩之考試日,請問貴校是基於什麼標準,執意的決定把考試延期,堅定的去支持教協提倡的罷課?
4。不少家長早已致電貴校反對罷課,而校內亦有不少學生反對延期考試,請問梁校長為何,只會順應四位同學的罷課要求,而不顧教育局、眾多學生及家長之反對?
『註一:漫畫連結』https://www.facebook.com/446178005554107/posts/1234888356683064/
註二:帶有 9格漫畫之原帖,已被 FB 刪除,現附上原作者的 FB,以供貴校查閱 9 格漫畫之內容。
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=2442315175833494&id=588359434562420
敬候 閣下之回覆。
此致
聲討教協
2019年7月12日
致函格式 在 健吾 Facebook 的最讚貼文
各位,生成器也許已沒有用了。選管會一天就收到4500封電郵。看來,大家炸他電郵還是有點用的。
以下乃沈大師言為「內部AO提供範本」。的確是官話文章,請先仔細閱讀,才選擇是否發出電郵吧。
你還有5小時。
请广传,好人一生平安。
[#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受,得到數千轉載,迴響十分熱烈,也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主,雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊,但在關鍵時刻,也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友,提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化,希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務,因此以私人身份草擬的意見書,回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢,並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法,就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊,《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書,其中3000份「贊成」,因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示,大家可以直接使用這格式,根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交,因為香港人大家都忙,這過程只需一分鐘,應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前,請廣傳,好人一生平安。
10 July 2019
Chairman
Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
By Email: eacenq@eac.hk
Dear Chairman,
Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines
I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.
Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.
Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.
It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.
Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.
I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.
The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.
It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.
The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.
I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”
I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.
The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.
I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.
Yours sincerely,
XXXX
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10 July 2019
選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓
選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒: 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜
本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力,容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格,以迎合政府自身的政治目的。
建議指引第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」
建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他/她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。
至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求,建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。
過往選舉顯示,首長級丙級政務官/民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任,便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定,並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會,當作輔證,而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。
去年立法會補選,時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任,居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書,以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由,去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格,並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控,實在令人憤慨。
由建議指引可見,選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障,去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞,依據其個人的政治目的或理念,惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。
選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查, 又能如何履行其法定職責,「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢?
建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構,例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等,可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉,上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。
本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會,被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出:「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」
本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格,防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。
就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性,目前透過選舉呈請,並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候,懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量,尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。
敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上
2019年7月9日