✨本周AIT孫曉雅處長的行程一樣緊湊而充實,繼續馬不停蹄拜會台灣各部會及機關首長,一起來看看雙邊討論了什麼議題:
✅8月30日,孫處長與 #台北市 市長柯文哲 會面,了解台北市如何透過姊妹市夥伴關係進行雙邊合作,以及柯市長的優先政策。隨後,孫處長拜會 #科技部 部長吳政忠,雙方談及「美台科學及技術合作協定」、人工智慧的負責任發展以及台灣對「人才循環大聯盟」的支持。
✅8月31日,孫處長與 #新北市 市長侯友宜 會面,討論振興經濟議題以及新北市的疫情現況。當天稍後,孫處長與 #農委會 主委陳吉仲會面,就促進美台農業合作交換意見。接著,孫處長與 #文化部 部長李永得會面,雙方討論美台合作及文化交流,並見證了台灣文化部和學術交流基金會(台灣傅爾布萊特)的「傅爾布萊特—台灣文化部藝文專業人才獎助計畫」備忘錄簽署儀式,這項計畫旨在獎助台灣的藝文專業人才赴美學習交流。
✅9月1日,孫處長拜會 #財政部 部長蘇建榮,雙方談及「美台經濟繁榮夥伴對話」、供應鏈及共同關切的財政與關務交流等議題。隨後,孫處長與 #勞動部 部長許銘春會面,討論新冠疫情如何影響台灣的勞動政策。接著,孫處長與 #外貿協會 董事長黃志芳會面,並感謝外貿協會協助促進美台之間的商業機會。
✅9月2日,孫處長拜會 #台灣美國事務委員會 主委楊珍妮,並討論雙方關切的議題。孫處長本週的拜會行程也在這場會議之後畫下句點。
🤝在這些會面中,孫處長重申她對推動並深化美台夥伴關係的承諾,並強調美台共享的民主和經濟價值,以及美國對台灣恆久的承諾。
✅ This week, Director Oudkirk met with Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je on August 30 to discuss bilateral cooperation through Taipei’s Sister City partnerships and Mayor Ko’s key priorities as well as with Minister of Science and Technology Wu Tsung-tsong to discuss implementation of the U.S.-Taiwan Science and Technology Agreement, the responsible development of artificial intelligence, and Taiwan’s support for the Talent Circulation Alliance initiative.
✅ On August 31, Director Oudkirk met with New Taipei City Mayor Hou Yu-ih to discuss economic recovery and COVID-19-related developments in New Taipei City and with Minister of Agriculture Chen Chi-chung to exchange views on advancing U.S.-Taiwan agricultural cooperation. Later in the day, Director Oudkirk and Minister of Culture Lee Yung-te discussed U.S.-Taiwan cooperation and cultural exchanges and witnessed the signing of an agreement between Taiwan’s Ministry of Culture and the Foundation for Scholarly Exchange (Fulbright Taiwan) to launch a new grant that will provide Taiwanese art professionals professional development opportunities in the United States.
✅ On September 1, Director Oudkirk and Minister of Finance Su Jain-rong met to talk about the Economic Prosperity Partnership Dialogue, supply chain issues, and fiscal and customs exchanges. She also met with Minister of Labor Hsu Ming-chun to discuss how COVID-19 has impacted Taiwan’s labor policy. Later that day, Director Oudkirk met with Taiwan External Trade Development Council (TAITRA) Chairman James Huang and thanked TAITRA for facilitating business opportunities between the United States and Taiwan.
✅ Director Oudkirk concluded this week’s courtesy calls by meeting Taiwan Council for U.S. Affairs (TCUSA) Chairperson Jen-ni Yang on September 2 to discuss issues of mutual interest.
🤝During these meetings, Director Oudkirk reiterated her commitment to advancing and deepening the U.S.-Taiwan partnership, stressed the common democratic and economic values that the United States and Taiwan share, and emphasized the United States’ enduring commitment to Taiwan.
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過86萬的網紅MaoMao TV,也在其Youtube影片中提到,➡︎ 揭開 Youtube 賺錢的方法: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jfxhfEc4t7U ☆訂閱Mao 每週看新片☆ 點我☞ https://goo.gl/jJXswY (下面還有得看~) 【Mao's SNS】 ・facebook page: https...
「business customs in taiwan」的推薦目錄:
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 美國在台協會 AIT Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 MaoMao TV Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 Social Etiquette in Taiwan 的評價
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 DPRK Business-Culture News, a Facebook page... 的評價
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 Taiwanese CULTURE & Etiquette, What NOT to do! - YouTube 的評價
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 taiwan business etiquette的原因和症狀,DCARD、YOUTUBE 的評價
- 關於business customs in taiwan 在 taiwan business etiquette的原因和症狀,DCARD、YOUTUBE 的評價
business customs in taiwan 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
【#TheDiplomat🌍】難得The Diplomat讀者對香港有興趣:
The series of iron-fisted moves last month in Hong Kong may seem sudden to international observers: Hong Kong government’s earlier reinterpretation of the China-Hong Kong relationship, the election of a pro-Beijing legislator to be a Legislative Council chair through a controversial mechanism, and Beijing’s recent decision to impose a national security law on Hong Kong. The desire to bring Hong Kong under the banner of “one country, one system” is not impulsive. Quite the contrary, it’s a calculated campaign to initiate a so-called “second reunification with Hong Kong” — since the first reunification after the handover, using a lenient soft-power approach, has supposedly failed.
What are Beijing’s calculations that motivate this bold campaign now? And more important, will the campaign work?
While I remain highly skeptical of solely applying the realist framework to study Hong Kong, Beijing’s mentality is nonetheless entirely realism-driven. It is therefore essential to use this lens to understand more of their thoughts.
COVID-19: A Golden Opportunity on the International Stage?
To start with, the coronavirus pandemic seems to have created an ideal backdrop for Beijing to push forward its iron-fisted policy toward Hong Kong. The West has been devastated by the pandemic, more so than China, and has been slower to recover economically. Instead of decoupling from China, Beijing thinks the West is desperate for an influx of Chinese capital and markets. This notion encourages Beijing to pursue brinkmanship, in the form of confrontative “wolf warrior diplomacy,” its escalation of sharp power, and, most recently, Hong Kong’s national security law. As long as the international community does not put their condemnation into action, Beijing will keep pushing the envelope.
Beijing is convinced that the chambers of commerce representing other countries in Hong Kong will always place profits above all else as long as the national security law does not threaten them. Business deals struck at the crucial moment can entice foreign businesses to use their lobby teams in their home countries in Beijing’s favor.
Although anti-China sentiment has become more mainstream, Beijing, the major beneficiary of globalization in the past two decades, has tied its destiny with various elites internationally. These “friends of China” can be swayed to safeguard Beijing’s interests, but the up-and-coming leaders in many countries look less friendly. Therefore, the window of opportunity for Beijing to act is closing before the new value-driven generation comes to power.
The Lack of Incentive Behind the U.S. and U.K.’s Escalating Rhetoric
While U.S. politicians from left to right are vocal against China, their ultimate goal, Beijing believes, is to win votes in the November election. They would hence avoid hurting the interest groups they represent and go easy on actions aiming to punish China, such as denying Hong Kong’s status as a separate customs territory, sanctioning Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong, or escalating the trade war.
Even though the Trump administration is ramping up the rhetoric to sanction China, protecting Hong Kong’s autonomy is not one of the United States’ core interests. In contrast, having control over Hong Kong is China’s core interest. Beijing would rather make concessions over other disputes with Washington in exchange for claiming victory in Hong Kong for its internal propaganda.
Britain, the co-signer of the Joint Declaration for Hong Kong’s handover, is arguably most entitled to denounce Beijing’s violation, which would give mandates to the United States to act. But Beijing is convinced that Britain, not as powerful as it used to be, will not make such a move. Beijing’s recent plans to withdraw businesses from the United States and list them in the London stock market is a move to place a wedge between the two powers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateralism and his harsh stance against U.S. allies also strengthens Beijing’s conviction that the West will not follow the United States’ lead.
Beijing’s Divide and Conquer Strategy in Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s parliament, the Legislative Council (LegCo), is a major roadblock to Beijing’s control, as demonstrated twice since the handover — in 2003 when the national security law was first introduced and in 2019 with the anti-extradition legislation that sparked city-wide protests. In both setbacks, Beijing lost control when moderate pro-establishment legislators broke away from the party line in the face of public outcry. As the September LegCo election approaches, the last thing Beijing wants is for the election to become a de facto referendum on the single issue of the national security law, which could result in another landslide win for the democratic parties. The law would be untenable to the international community if it’s opposed by both pro-democracy voters, which according to polls account for 60 percent of the votes, and moderate pro-establishment voters.
The moderates, despite their reluctance to embrace hardline rule in Hong Kong, differ from the more militant faction within the non-establishment camp in that the former rejects the so-called “mutual destruction” option, which risks Hong Kong’s special trade status — its economic lifeline — as a bargaining tactic to force Beijing to back off. Now that Washington is considering withdrawing Hong Kong’s privileges, the possibility of mutual destruction is becoming real. As Beijing has been promoting a narrative that all supporters of the protest movement’s “Five Demands” are bringing about mutual destruction, Beijing hopes the moderates, in fear of losing their financial assets, might turn toward the establishment.
On the other hand, the pro-democracy camp is at risk of breaking apart. Moderate pro-democracy supporters have been going to rallies to keep up with the political momentum. However, marches with more than a million participants would be impossible under the current oppressive environment. For example, the authorities abuse COVID-19 social distancing measures to suppress rallies, permits for peaceful protests are increasingly difficult to obtain, pro-establishment businesses heavily censored the social media activities of employees, and outspoken individuals are often cyberbullied.
Without support from the moderates, some within the pro-democracy camp may radicalize, as Beijing expects. The radicalization would fit Beijing’s tactic of painting protests as separatism and terrorism, justifying the imposition of the national security law. The trajectory would be similar to Beijing’s handling of the 1959 Tibetan “riots,” during which Mao Zedong’s directive was “the more chaotic the scene, the better.”
The Nationalistic Agenda to Divert Domestic Attention
But after all, to Beijing, Hong Kong is not just Hong Kong. In the wake of the pandemic, Beijing urgently needs to uphold nationalism to divert unwanted attention from its economic crisis. That includes a global propaganda campaign to promote its triumph over COVID-19. Upgrading the Hong Kong protests to a national security issue — as a battle against foreign interference to complete the “reunification with Hong Kong” — best suits the nationalist atmosphere. The all-time low sense of belonging with China among the new generation in Hong Kong further justifies a strong-arm approach. The success of the strategy would offer a way to reunite with Taiwan, which would consolidate Xi’s leadership within the Communist Party.
Also, including the Hong Kong issue as part of the national agenda means that the Hong Kong government, which has already lost its will to govern, will dance to Beijing’s tunes.
This comprehensive crackdown on Hong Kong’s civil society is unprecedented. Beijing believes that the heavy-handed approach would pervade Hong Kong with a sense of powerlessness and bring it to its knees. As long as the international response is limited, the execution of the national security law, according to Chairman Mao’s “theory of contradiction,” will follow a script of “a soft hand” and “a firm hand.” That is, after its imposition, the law will initially apply restraint and be used only on individuals to set a stern example, so that the general public would feel as if the law does not impact them at all and property and stock prices would not fall. Gradually and subtly, if the realist formula of Beijing works, the “second reunification” could become a self-proclaimed success story for Beijing’s propaganda.
However, Beijing’s evaluations are not foolproof. Any single miscalculation could lead to a contradictory outcome for the People’s Republic of China. Is it really prepared?
▶️ 國安法:中國的現實主義框架
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business customs in taiwan 在 MaoMao TV Youtube 的最佳解答
➡︎ 揭開 Youtube 賺錢的方法: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jfxhfEc4t7U
☆訂閱Mao 每週看新片☆ 點我☞ https://goo.gl/jJXswY
(下面還有得看~)
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【影片目的】
分享個人經驗,讓更多人了解日本女生的在地文化習慣 :)
來日本留學後,發現同樣是女生,台灣女生跟日本女生的習慣真的的大有不同
一開始覺得很不自然,很難去習慣他們的生活方式。
尤其是我發現有幾件事是雖然台灣女生已經習慣,習以為常的事情,
但在日本女生眼裡的世界卻是一項禁忌似的,他們絕對不會做的事。(大部分的日本女生,例外的日本女生也是有的)
禁忌的,(大多數的)日本女生絕對不會做的三件事:
日本女生絕對不會做的三件事 1. 上廁所小便(尿尿)時,不給你聽到聲音(一定會使用音姬)
日本女生絕對不會做的三件事 2.不會一個人去吃拉麵(或吉野家,松屋,Sukiya等等快餐店)
日本女生絕對不會做的三件事 3.不會只穿一件坦克背心(小可愛)就出門上大街
【WHY I have made this video】
Share my personal experiences and let more people learn about the local Japanese girls cultures :)
After living and studying in Japan for several years, I noticed and realized that Japanese girls would not do a certain several things that Taiwanese girl will normally do in their everyday life. (Here Japanese girls only refer to most of the Japanese girls, it does not mean all of them have the same habits) The very first time, it was not easy for me to understand and get used to how they behave in a different ways. (Different habits) It totally shows we have different habits, and different social expectations in Taiwan and Japan.
1. Japanese girls do NOT make sound when taking a piss (they would use a machine called Otohime to cover it)
2. Japanese girls would not go to Ramen place alone (also, Yoshinoya, Matsuya, Sukiya etc)
3. Japanese girls would not wear only a tank top when going out.
【動画目的】
個人経験を共有し、より多くの人に日本女性女の子のローカル文化を知ってもいます:)
日本に留学しに来てから、同じ女性なのに、台湾人女性女の子と日本人女性の習慣、価値観が異なることは結構あると気をつきました。台湾人女性女の子が普通にすることの中に日本人女性女の子は絶対しないこともあります。(大体のひとですね。例外はもちろんあります。)最初はなかなか慣れれなくて、その生活と考え方を納得できませんでした。何年間を立ってから、文化の違いはもちろんありますし、それぞれの文化習慣はその社会の違う背景による、異なっていきます。多文化もでき、この世界は面白い所になっていると思いました。
日本人女性女の子が絶対しない3つの事:
1. トイレ行く(おしっこする)時に絶対音をしなしこと(音姫を必ず使います。)
2.一人でラーメンを食べに行きません。(吉野家、松屋、すき家等も行きません。)
3.タンクトップ一枚だけでは外に出かけません。
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