同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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- 關於nonviolent resistance 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於nonviolent resistance 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最佳貼文
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- 關於nonviolent resistance 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文
nonviolent resistance 在 范琪斐的美國時間 Facebook 的最佳解答
昨天的<斐姨所思>宗翰選了香港維他奶的採購主管梁健輝刺警後當場自殺。維他奶第一時間發出為該主管「不幸逝世」哀悼的內部文件,雖然馬上出來澄清,但中國網友立刻展開抵制,「維他奶滾出內地」有1.2億閱讀量,5日維他奶股價被抹去15%。不少港人到兇案現場悼念梁建輝,港府抓捕並警告會觸犯國安法。
昨天香港警方又逮捕了九個人,其中六個只有十幾歲,說他們在密謀要做炸彈。
討論的時候,可心說,一位教授曾經跟她說,香港的經歷,在台灣有很多人很同情,但聲援僅止於口頭上的,我們現在能做的,應該是想辦法儘量把香港目前經歷的事,紀錄下來,因為只有台灣可以幫香港做這個事了。
我想到紐時去專訪了香港中文大學的教授周保松,他以前常常在課堂上鼓勵學生做公民參與。2012年,他跟來自中國大陸、香港和台灣的大學生合影時開玩笑說,希望10年後他們當中沒有人坐牢。結果現在周保松沒事就要去探監。他對紐時說,香港承受了太多的不公正,讓這座城市越來越陌生。「整個城市的核心價值觀已經崩潰。
我想這核心價值指的是, 民主,自由,法治,人權,平等,公義.....沒有了這些,我活下去的動力是什麼?
我可以理解,現在很多香港人的極端沮喪與無力感,或是進一步認定和平示威的手段是沒有用的。
真的沒有用嗎?
我去搜了一圈,結果發現學界的主流的說法,並不是如此。
哈佛的學者Erica Chenoweth,本來堅信和平示威沒有用,暴力手段較有效的假設,為了證明她的想法,她搜集了從1900-2006年間,323個推翻政府的成功的案例,用近160個不同的標準來檢視,結果是和平示威遠遠較暴力手段有效。
她並歸納出四個原因:
1。和平示威才能讓更多不同背景的人來參與,支持的基礎才能越長越大。
2。將負責維持安全的軍警拉進來是必要的。因為他們是政府壓制人民最重要的工具。其他的菁英像是商界或媒體,他們通常傾向支持維持現狀,唯有和平手段才能爭取到這些人的支持。一旦拿到,就是game changer。
3。運動不能只有示威。它必需以各種不同的方式來進行。
4。當運動受到壓制的時候,這是常常會發生的狀況,如果抗爭者將自己武裝,這其實是幫了政府的忙,因為它就有更多理由來更強力壓制,此時運動就可能會完全瓦解。
我知道這些案例有點久。很多人會說,現在的極權政府,有科技的幫忙,比以前更難推翻。我希望也許過幾年,我們會有更多的研究。
每個星期二,我都非常期待這個聊天會。疫情期間太少機會跟人聊天了。為了做斐姨所思,我可以看看年輕夥伴們都在想些什麼,過得好不好。每個星期會邀一位朋友來跟我們聊天。昨天邀來的瞿志豪董事長,就讓我對台灣的生技醫藥產業目前的狀況,一下子了解很多,對目前或以後台灣的國產疫苗應有多少期待,有更多的理解。我必需要說,我本來很多憤怒,因為了解而降低了很多。
斐姨所思是每周二730pm在YT跟FB一起直播.也有podcast噢!
https://youtu.be/_pqwwp1hKtw
https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2019/02/why-nonviolent-resistance-beats-violent-force-in-effecting-social-political-change/
nonviolent resistance 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導,來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙:丹麥Weekendavisen,題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會,前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者,我也在其中,雖然只是每人一句,加在一起,卻有了很完整的圖像。
以下為英譯:
Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.
A world on the barricades
At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.
At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."
For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?
Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.
With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.
Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.
"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.
Economic powerlessness
Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.
According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.
'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.
The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.
Triggered by trifles
In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.
In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.
“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.
Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.
“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.
The authoritarian wave
Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.
Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.
“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.
"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.
"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.
Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.
“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.
"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.
Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.
The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.
"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."
nonviolent resistance 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最佳貼文
nonviolent resistance 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的精選貼文
nonviolent resistance 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文
nonviolent resistance 在 Nonviolent resistance proves potent weapon 的相關結果
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