【創業大冒險】社會創新大解密⁉
大家都在談『社會創新』,社會創新究竟是什麼?
#唐鳳 社會創新就是「眾人之事,眾人助之。」,任何社會上想解決的問題,大家可以一起組織來想出解決辦法。
就讓我們在這裡一起了解:
什麼是 #社會創新?
核心概念是以「創新」方式來找出解決社會問題方法,帶給整體社會更高的價值!社會創新不拘形式,像是政府單位、非營利組織、企業及大學等等,都可以是執行社會創新的重要推手!
追蹤社會創新平台掌握最新消息 https://si.taiwan.gov.tw/
#數位社會創新(Digital Social Innovation, DSI)又是什麼?
數位社會創新不限於數位平台或工具上的創新,只要在社會創新行動中加入「數位」元素即為「數位社會創新」!
耳熟能詳的案例具備數位社會創新的特色:
群眾集資 #Crowdfunding:如萬人響應集資,讓 #TaiwanCanHelp 廣告登上紐約時報,在廣告刊出後,社群接力二創改圖也是數位社會創新的經典案例。香港銅鑼灣書店在臺灣重啟,透過群眾集資獲得近 600 萬臺幣支持也屬於這類。
地理圖資協作:你知道每年光臺灣就消費 10 億瓶瓶裝水嗎?民間團隊 CircuPlus為了減少瓶裝水造成的塑膠污染跟碳排,與環保署合作,整理飲水機的開放地理圖資,並邀請全臺企業、商圈共同加入,成為奉茶據點,民眾可以透過奉茶 App 新增站點,這樣一來,用自備杯找水喝就更容易,還可以累積點數換商品。另外像是地球公民基金會推出的農地違章工廠回報行動、以及公民科學計畫路殺社也都屬於地理圖資協作喔。
開放資料/開放政府:如這次疫情期間誕生的口罩地圖,是民間開發者透過政府提供的開放資料,快速做出能即時反應口罩供需數量的平台,讓每個人都能獲得公平資訊。另外像是使用教育部 CC 授權辭典的萌典(超好用)、還有成為 2020 總統盃黑客松卓越團隊,找出適合植樹公有地的「臺灣好植地」,也都屬於這類喔!
【Startup Adventure 】Social Innovation Lab Sharing What is social innovation?
Why does everyone talk about "social innovation"? You probably curious about what exactly is social innovation?
Audrey Tang said “everyone’s business, everyone helps.” People work together to find out the solution for solving the problem in society. Now
*Let’s know more about what is “Social innovation”`?
The core concept of social innovation is to find ways to solve social problems in an "innovative" way. Through these innovation ways can create better value to the whole society! Social innovation has no specific form or rules, no matter who you are, you can always be an important part of promoting social innovation!
Follow the newest information here: https://si.taiwan.gov.tw/
*What is “Digital social innovation”?
As long as you add “digital” elements to social innovation actions, it is “Digital Social Innovation (DSI)”.
Here are some successful cases with digital innovation features:
*Crowdfunding:
For example, tens of thousands of people joined the fundraising of “Taiwan Can Help” advertisement to let the advertising appear on the New York Times. After the advertisement published, the community made the second creation of it is also a classic case of digital social innovation. Another example was the Hong Kong’s Causeway Bay Bookstore reopened in Taiwan, it got the support of nearly 6 million Taiwan dollars through crowdfunding as well.
*Geographic Information Cooperation
First example, do you know
Do you know that people in Taiwan use at least 1 billion bottles of bottled water every year? In order to reduce the plastic pollution and carbon emissions caused by bottled water, “CircuPlus” cooperate with the Environmental Protection Agency to sort out the open geographic map of drinking fountains. Besides, CircuPlus invited enterprises to join together and to set more drinking fountains bases in Taiwan. As long as you download the APP, you can not only find the way to get drink but also can easily add new drinking fountain bases as well. Then you can also accumulate CircuPlus points for goods exchanging.
In addition, the “Citizen of the Earth, Taiwan” encouraged people to join the Illegal Factory established on Farmland action, the “Taiwan Roadkill Observation Network” raise people to report the situation of killed animals on roads are also parts of the geographic map information collaboration.
*Open data/open government:
For example, the mask map was been created during this epidemic period. The mask map is a platform that can quickly corresponding to the supply and demand of the amount of masks. This platform was developing by private programmers who use open data provided by the government, so that everyone can get fair information.
You could check the other successful cases such as the Mengdian (super easy to use) using the CC authorized dictionary of the Ministry of Education, and the 2020 Presidents Cup Hackathon, finding a "good planting land in Taiwan" suitable for tree planting public land as well.
social work value example 在 馮智政 Facebook 的精選貼文
感謝 #美國總商會 的邀請為教育科技Start up Meet做評判,在新情勢及知識改革,商校合作是改變教育最有效方法之一,也是真正的雙贏。商贏校又贏。
HK Startups Meet Multinational Companies Series – Session 4: Knowledge
(Google Translated)
全球COVID-19大流行改變了全世界業務運作,工作和創造價值的方式。例如,在過去的幾個月中,我們所有人都已成為Zoom&Microsoft Teams專家!儘管世界其他地區都希望在大流行之後重新開放經濟,但香港也期待從數月的社會動盪中恢復過來。香港將如何在新的常態下數字化,優化和製定戰略,以恢復經濟增長和領導地位?這一新常態為香港提供了一個巨大的機會,可以推動其向數字經濟過渡,並建立一個充滿活力的創新生態系統,將企業,初創企業和資本聯繫起來。
“HK Startups Meet Multinational Companies Series ”是一系列會議,展示靈感,將初創企業與企業聯繫起來,並在香港建立成功,可持續的創新社區。
加入我們,參加8月28日舉行的第四屆會議:知識。
通過創新的教學方法,技術進步以及為虛擬世界設計的程序,正在為學生和教師重塑教育。那麼,初創企業如何支持持續的趨勢呢?在接下來的18個月中,許多人預計,隨著COVID繼續限制和挑戰傳統學習,面對面和虛擬的平衡將會出現。在香港的複興之路上,遇到了一些新興企業,這些企業將有助於保持健康的平衡,創造我們從未想到的新機遇,並成為教育部門不可或缺的一部分。
除小弟,今日評判還有
Dan Blurton( Harbour School,)
Diana Wu David( Sarana Lab, )
Frank Wong ( Scholastic, )
Sean Ferguson (Asia School of Business)
Colin Marson (Google Education)
Jen Flowers (HSBC)
Todd Bryan (Velotech)
Ming Lai (Philip Morris)
The global COVID-19 pandemic has changed the way we do business, work, and create value all around the world. For example, in the past several months, we have all become Zoom & Microsoft Teams experts! While the rest of the world looks forward to re-opening economies after the pandemic, Hong Kong is also looking forward to recovering from months of social unrest. How will Hong Kong digitize, optimize, and strategize in a new normal, returning to economic growth and leadership? This new normal is a huge opportunity for Hong Kong to drive its transition to a digital economy and create a buoyant innovation ecosystem, linking corporates, start-ups and capital.
"HK Startups Meet Multinational Companies Series" is an ongoing series of meetings, showcasing Inspiration, connecting start-ups with corporates, and building a successful, sustainable innovation community in Hong Kong.
Join us on August 28 for the fourth session: Knowledge. Education is being reshaped for students and teachers alike through new, innovative teaching methods, advancements in technology, and programs designed for a virtual world. So how can start-ups support the continued trend? For the next 18 months many predict there will be a balance of in-person and virtual as COVID continues to limit and challenge traditional learning. In Hong Kong's road to recovery meet some of the start-ups that will help strike a healthy balance, create new opportunities we have not thought of and be integral to the education sector.
AmCham #AmericanChamberOfCommerceinHongKong
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OPPORTUNITIES FOR START-UPS
ARE YOU INTERESTED IN JOINING AMCHAM'S START-UP COMMUNITY?
Does your Hong Kong start-up have technology and innovation that can help on Hong Kong's road to recovery? Want to present your pitch to leading global corporations like Microsoft, Google and HSBC, and learn from the Inspiration of the Month?
In this ongoing series from AmCham Innovation and Technology Committee, Hong Kong start-ups will have the opportunity to present their pitches to executives from leading global and Hong Kong corporations. This is just part of what you will experience at AmCham. Don't miss out on these unique opportunities to connect with Global Tech Leaders, Inspiration of the Month and the Start-up of the Month:
Our next session is Vigor: Health (Sep). Be sure to submit your pitch by Sep 10 to be considered for Vigor: Health , and indicate if your start-up aligns with the Vigor: Health theme.
social work value example 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳貼文
【#TheDiplomat🌍】難得The Diplomat讀者對香港有興趣:
The series of iron-fisted moves last month in Hong Kong may seem sudden to international observers: Hong Kong government’s earlier reinterpretation of the China-Hong Kong relationship, the election of a pro-Beijing legislator to be a Legislative Council chair through a controversial mechanism, and Beijing’s recent decision to impose a national security law on Hong Kong. The desire to bring Hong Kong under the banner of “one country, one system” is not impulsive. Quite the contrary, it’s a calculated campaign to initiate a so-called “second reunification with Hong Kong” — since the first reunification after the handover, using a lenient soft-power approach, has supposedly failed.
What are Beijing’s calculations that motivate this bold campaign now? And more important, will the campaign work?
While I remain highly skeptical of solely applying the realist framework to study Hong Kong, Beijing’s mentality is nonetheless entirely realism-driven. It is therefore essential to use this lens to understand more of their thoughts.
COVID-19: A Golden Opportunity on the International Stage?
To start with, the coronavirus pandemic seems to have created an ideal backdrop for Beijing to push forward its iron-fisted policy toward Hong Kong. The West has been devastated by the pandemic, more so than China, and has been slower to recover economically. Instead of decoupling from China, Beijing thinks the West is desperate for an influx of Chinese capital and markets. This notion encourages Beijing to pursue brinkmanship, in the form of confrontative “wolf warrior diplomacy,” its escalation of sharp power, and, most recently, Hong Kong’s national security law. As long as the international community does not put their condemnation into action, Beijing will keep pushing the envelope.
Beijing is convinced that the chambers of commerce representing other countries in Hong Kong will always place profits above all else as long as the national security law does not threaten them. Business deals struck at the crucial moment can entice foreign businesses to use their lobby teams in their home countries in Beijing’s favor.
Although anti-China sentiment has become more mainstream, Beijing, the major beneficiary of globalization in the past two decades, has tied its destiny with various elites internationally. These “friends of China” can be swayed to safeguard Beijing’s interests, but the up-and-coming leaders in many countries look less friendly. Therefore, the window of opportunity for Beijing to act is closing before the new value-driven generation comes to power.
The Lack of Incentive Behind the U.S. and U.K.’s Escalating Rhetoric
While U.S. politicians from left to right are vocal against China, their ultimate goal, Beijing believes, is to win votes in the November election. They would hence avoid hurting the interest groups they represent and go easy on actions aiming to punish China, such as denying Hong Kong’s status as a separate customs territory, sanctioning Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong, or escalating the trade war.
Even though the Trump administration is ramping up the rhetoric to sanction China, protecting Hong Kong’s autonomy is not one of the United States’ core interests. In contrast, having control over Hong Kong is China’s core interest. Beijing would rather make concessions over other disputes with Washington in exchange for claiming victory in Hong Kong for its internal propaganda.
Britain, the co-signer of the Joint Declaration for Hong Kong’s handover, is arguably most entitled to denounce Beijing’s violation, which would give mandates to the United States to act. But Beijing is convinced that Britain, not as powerful as it used to be, will not make such a move. Beijing’s recent plans to withdraw businesses from the United States and list them in the London stock market is a move to place a wedge between the two powers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateralism and his harsh stance against U.S. allies also strengthens Beijing’s conviction that the West will not follow the United States’ lead.
Beijing’s Divide and Conquer Strategy in Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s parliament, the Legislative Council (LegCo), is a major roadblock to Beijing’s control, as demonstrated twice since the handover — in 2003 when the national security law was first introduced and in 2019 with the anti-extradition legislation that sparked city-wide protests. In both setbacks, Beijing lost control when moderate pro-establishment legislators broke away from the party line in the face of public outcry. As the September LegCo election approaches, the last thing Beijing wants is for the election to become a de facto referendum on the single issue of the national security law, which could result in another landslide win for the democratic parties. The law would be untenable to the international community if it’s opposed by both pro-democracy voters, which according to polls account for 60 percent of the votes, and moderate pro-establishment voters.
The moderates, despite their reluctance to embrace hardline rule in Hong Kong, differ from the more militant faction within the non-establishment camp in that the former rejects the so-called “mutual destruction” option, which risks Hong Kong’s special trade status — its economic lifeline — as a bargaining tactic to force Beijing to back off. Now that Washington is considering withdrawing Hong Kong’s privileges, the possibility of mutual destruction is becoming real. As Beijing has been promoting a narrative that all supporters of the protest movement’s “Five Demands” are bringing about mutual destruction, Beijing hopes the moderates, in fear of losing their financial assets, might turn toward the establishment.
On the other hand, the pro-democracy camp is at risk of breaking apart. Moderate pro-democracy supporters have been going to rallies to keep up with the political momentum. However, marches with more than a million participants would be impossible under the current oppressive environment. For example, the authorities abuse COVID-19 social distancing measures to suppress rallies, permits for peaceful protests are increasingly difficult to obtain, pro-establishment businesses heavily censored the social media activities of employees, and outspoken individuals are often cyberbullied.
Without support from the moderates, some within the pro-democracy camp may radicalize, as Beijing expects. The radicalization would fit Beijing’s tactic of painting protests as separatism and terrorism, justifying the imposition of the national security law. The trajectory would be similar to Beijing’s handling of the 1959 Tibetan “riots,” during which Mao Zedong’s directive was “the more chaotic the scene, the better.”
The Nationalistic Agenda to Divert Domestic Attention
But after all, to Beijing, Hong Kong is not just Hong Kong. In the wake of the pandemic, Beijing urgently needs to uphold nationalism to divert unwanted attention from its economic crisis. That includes a global propaganda campaign to promote its triumph over COVID-19. Upgrading the Hong Kong protests to a national security issue — as a battle against foreign interference to complete the “reunification with Hong Kong” — best suits the nationalist atmosphere. The all-time low sense of belonging with China among the new generation in Hong Kong further justifies a strong-arm approach. The success of the strategy would offer a way to reunite with Taiwan, which would consolidate Xi’s leadership within the Communist Party.
Also, including the Hong Kong issue as part of the national agenda means that the Hong Kong government, which has already lost its will to govern, will dance to Beijing’s tunes.
This comprehensive crackdown on Hong Kong’s civil society is unprecedented. Beijing believes that the heavy-handed approach would pervade Hong Kong with a sense of powerlessness and bring it to its knees. As long as the international response is limited, the execution of the national security law, according to Chairman Mao’s “theory of contradiction,” will follow a script of “a soft hand” and “a firm hand.” That is, after its imposition, the law will initially apply restraint and be used only on individuals to set a stern example, so that the general public would feel as if the law does not impact them at all and property and stock prices would not fall. Gradually and subtly, if the realist formula of Beijing works, the “second reunification” could become a self-proclaimed success story for Beijing’s propaganda.
However, Beijing’s evaluations are not foolproof. Any single miscalculation could lead to a contradictory outcome for the People’s Republic of China. Is it really prepared?
▶️ 國安法:中國的現實主義框架
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HjhRbV8qTgo
⏺ 中美夏威夷峰會
https://www.patreon.com/posts/38378214
social work value example 在 Value bases of social work - YouTube 的推薦與評價
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