【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
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office for science and technology strategy 在 ienaeliena.com Facebook 的最佳解答
Hai,
Kepada yang berminat,dan masih mencari kerja. Syarikat dimana cik iena bekerja ada Tawaran Jawatan Kosong.
- Application Developer
- iOS/ Android Software Engineer
- Project Management Executive
- Accounts Executive
Kepada yang berminat sila email
detailed resume, working experience, current and expected salary ,contact number, and me as referral
**********************************************
Name : siti fazlina binti abd wahab
Position : Application Developer
Email : siti.fazlina@globaltium.com
**********************************************
to:
job@ionnex.com
Job Description
1. Adminstration Executive
Responsibilities :-
Provide administrative support and assistance to superior
Manage the maintenance of office, equipment and environment
Manage documents and filing processes
Perform general administrative duties
Requirements :-
Candidate must possess at least a Diploma or SPM qualification
Conversant in English and Malay
Computer literacy is essential
Good interpersonal and communcation skills - with an open attitude and pleasant personality
2. Customer Service Executive
Responsibilities :-
Manage inbound and outbound call/email by providing optimum service to customers/partners.
Resolve customer service enquiries and issue promptly, ensure effective & timely follow up.
Maintain and ensure customer's records are updated into customer database accurately.
Liaise with company's clients in relatino to customer service issues.
Prepare contact reports and analysis on inbound/outbound call/email.
Support supervisor/manager to review work process, identify and resolve process gap through constructive feedback for continuous improvement where appropriate.
Requirements :-
Those with SPM/Pre-U with relevant customer service experience will be considered.
Preferably with at least 1 year of working experience in customer service/call centre industry.
Junior Executives specializing in Customer Service in a call-centre environment are encouraged to apply.
The candidate must have good communication skills over the phone, and be fluent in English and Bahasa Malaysia.
Ability to converse in Mandarin/Cantonese will be an added advantage.
Mature, resourceful, tactful and diplomatic with excellent listening skills.
Self-motivated individuals with integrity, drive to achieve targets and possess good organizational skills.
Computer Literacy is essential, especially in MS Word and Excel.
3. PHP Developer
Responsibilities :-
To develop applications based on customer’s requirements and specifications.
To perform User Acceptance Test (UAT) to ensure the application is compliant with user and business requirements.
To resolve issues regarding to application and project assigned.
To maintain and support the application.
To attend training and to do research & development of relevant knowledge and skills
To ensure that all information system operate according to internal standards.
To liaise and attend meetings with project owner or person in charge to perform duties or solving issues.
Requirements :-
Possess at least a Diploma, Advanced/ Higher/ Graduate Diploma, Bachelor’s Degree, Post Graduate Diploma or Professional Degree in Computer Science/ Information Technology or equivalent.
Required skill set (s): LAMP (Linux, Apache, MySQL, PHP).
Should have at least experience in web application/ product development using PHP.
Team player with good analytical skills and self- motivated.
Working experience in SMS service industry will be an added advantage.
Knowladge on MVC framework like Zend, Cake PHP, Code Ignitor etc.
4. Product Executive
Responsibilities :-
To check and source content.
To do compilation and monitoring on the required reports.
Accountable for customer service hotline to support all products and services.
Undertake any other tasks as may reasonably be required by the Company.
Requirements :-
Candidate must possess at least a certificate, Diploma, Bachelor Degree or with equivalent working experience.
Telco experience.
Strong interpersonal and communication skills.
Ability to work independently as well as in a team.
Fresh graduate applicants are encouraged to apply.
Prefer Malaysian Candidate.
5. Project Executive
Responsibilities :-
Understand and communicates customer's business directions and goals to the IONNEX team with objectives to generate and identify business opportunities and compelling business cases.
Maintain key customer relationships and develop and implement strategies for expanding the company’s customer base.
Responsible for preparation of business proposal as per superior guidance and approval.
Reviews all major deliverables (i.e. strategic brief, function spec, tech spec, etc.) to ensure quality standards and customer expectations are being address.
Works closely with necessary parties (internal & external) to ensure customer interest is properly address.
Support the development of product vision, strategy and roadmap in accordance to the company's overall strategy and goals
Gather customer needs; develop, document and execute business cases, business/product requirements, product development, GTM and post-launch activities.
Plan, develop, implement and manage marketing programs as well as to ensure efficient and effective marketing, advertising and promotional planning and implementation.
Support other activities of the product development process as needed by superior & the management.
Requirements :-
Candidate must possess at least a Certificate, Diploma or Degree, any field.
At least 1 year(s) of working experience in the related field is required for this position.
Required language(s): Bahasa Chinese, Malaysia, English.
Excellent communication and interpersonal skills.
Responsible, initiative and willingness to learn.
Able to work independently as well as in a team.
Prefer Malaysian Candidate.
Fresh graduates/ school leavers are encouraged to apply.
6. iOS / Android Software Engineer
Responsibilities :-
Work closely with our product and design teams to customise the mobile user experience for the iOS & Android platform.
Write client-side code, create fast, easy-to-use, high volume production applications, and develop prototypes quickly.
Prototype new and redesign features.
Analyze and optimize UI and back-end application code for efficiency and performance.
A focus on UI design principles and making apps work intuitively.
Contribute best-in-class programming skills to develop highly innovative, consumer-facing mobile products.
Requirements :-
1+ years of object-oriented software development experience.
1+ years mobile application development at the user interface and system levels.
1+ years building iPhone or iPad using Objective-C/C++ or Android applications in Java.
Knowledge of iOS SDK performance tools and optimisation techniques.
Excellent problem solving, critical thinking and communication skills.
The ability to collaborate with the design and back-end engineers teams to ensure a great experience for our users.
Be able to write elegant, readable, and well-documented code.
WEBSITE : http://www.ionnex.com/
office for science and technology strategy 在 ITRI Taiwan Facebook 的精選貼文
An inauguration ceremony took place at ITRI today for congratulating three new ITRI general directors, including Dr. Yu-Min Peng of Material and Chemical Research Laboratories, Dr. Jwu-Sheng Hu of Mechanical and Systems Research Laboratories, and Mr. Han-Ying Wang of Strategy and R&D Planning Office.
Dr. Yu-Min Peng, former General Director of Strategy and R&D Planning Office, with his expertise in material science and engineering along with strategic marketing, will lead the Lab to enhance its core competency in novel material technology.
Dr. Jwu-Sheng Hu, professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering Department of National Chao Tung University, has made great contribution to ITRI’s robotic technology in recent years. He is now invited by ITRI to champion intelligent robotic programs.
Mr. Han-Ying Wang was former Deputy General Director of Mechanical and Systems Research Laboratories. He joined ITRI about 30 years ago as the engineer, and then was promoted to department leader, manager, deputy director, and division director. With his coordination of energy-saving vehicle, intelligent mechanical system, and cross-field R&D management, he triggered the development of autonomous engine industry and integrated automotive systems, helped to build up industrial clusters and further facilitate the access to international market.