關於 one way or another用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

[#台味甜蜜蜜 / The Sweet Taste of Taiwan] 老闆，來一碗滷肉飯！/ Taiwan in a bowl: Lu Rou Fan (English below)

說到法式甜點的 #台灣味，怎麼能不提萬華的 菓實日？

前幾年就為菓實日將台灣傳統文化融入法式甜點的創意心折，如果說巴黎有日式銅鑼燒店 Pâtisserie TOMO 作為日法甜點水乳交融之作的代表，（參見 #法式甜點學 p.156, 241, 336, 337），菓實日便似乎象徵著法式甜點真正能在台灣生根、與在地庶民文化結合開出的芳草奇卉。TOMO 以法式甜點技法重新詮釋日式甜點，外型融入了銅鑼燒與法式經典（如 Paris-Tokyo、檸檬塔、反轉蘋果塔、日本威士忌聖托佩塔等）、口味也兼有兩者之長；菓實日則不受限於單一類型糕點，代表作「紅龜」與「滷肉飯」大膽地用法式蛋糕（entremets）重新詮釋了他們心目中的台味與台灣精神。

數年前有幸品嚐過「紅龜」，一直對酒釀慕斯加紅豆餡既新奇又傳統的搭配念念不忘。這次趁著留在台灣的時間，又去拜訪了他們幾次，還剛好遇到他們在籌備線上課程期間，有幸飽覽饅頭主廚的精彩作品，並品嚐了這碗讓我一直好奇不已的「滷肉飯」。「滷肉飯」不僅有著法式甜點繁複多層的特質，還非常奇妙地揉合了台味無比的混搭創意：以蜜漬地瓜丁加焦糖醬模擬了滷肉飯的靈魂元素——滷肉與滷汁、米香白巧克力薄殼包裹著八角慕斯則成了晶瑩的米飯，最妙的是一匙舀起，還會意外地發現碗底的驚喜：肉鬆加自製酥菠蘿（奶酥、crumble）和生乳酪蛋糕體，最上方點上一片鮮綠的香菜，就變成了一碗技法完全是法式、但風味組合與精神卻100%台味的滷肉飯造型甜點。

前兩個禮拜我提到「是否有 #台灣神髓？」、「什麼是台灣神髓？」、「台灣神髓是否能被表現出來、又該怎麼表現？」，而菓實日的「滷肉飯」幾乎是不偏不倚地回答了這些問題。所有曾經必須對外國友人介紹台灣飲食的朋友，都會知道「台灣味」、「台菜」非常難以定義與畫出界線，因為台灣就是一個充滿了移民的島嶼、乘載了各種不同文化混雜的歷史，尋求「純粹的」台味很難不落入徒勞無功的下場。事實上台灣的活力，確實也來自於那種能將不同文化輕鬆且毫不做作地混搭、交融的自在。菓實日的「滷肉飯」恰恰體現了這種看似大膽奔放、但成果無比協調的餘裕。多達八層，且有香菜、地瓜、八角、肉鬆等台灣常見的料理元素，被妥貼地收納在這個「法式蛋糕」中。或許你無法一口氣分辨出每一種元素與層次，但它們卻如此完滿、歡欣地在嘴裡融合在一起，讓人不由得脫口而出「好吃」！哎呀，這不正是「台灣」和「台灣神髓」嗎？

老闆，再來一碗啦！

📌 菓實日目前正在休息準備下一步計畫中，門市並未對外營業。饅頭主廚與先生韞豐正在忙著籌備他們的線上課程，也有一些與桃園 雙口呂 Siang kháu Lū 文化廚房合作的實體教學。接下來會有小量對外販售的計畫，關心他們動態的朋友記得追蹤菓實日的粉絲頁；好奇這些台味甜點如何設計、製作，也可以了解他們傾囊相授的線上課程！https://tinyurl.com/y8cchelc

🔖 延伸閱讀：

#Ying的台味甜蜜蜜 系列

台灣味、台灣神髓究竟是什麼？https://tinyurl.com/y7ewoon4

從「亞洲甜點在巴黎」思考何謂台灣味：https://tinyurl.com/y36tprn8

亞洲甜點在巴黎的還魂與新生－ Café Lai'Tcha 與 Fu Castella：https://tinyurl.com/y3pcspn5

👉🏻👉🏻 更多 #台北甜點店 影音，記得來 Instagram 找我玩：https://tinyurl.com/yb3a783m

*****
Kajitsu, a hidden treasure in Taipei’s Wanhua district, is a little French pastry shop that makes Taiwan-inspired pastries. Chef Mantou transforms traditional festive pastry “Âng-ku-kóe” and “Lu Rou Fan”, Taiwan’s national dish, into French entremets. It is not unusual that food adapts to local tastes when it travel overseas. It takes place in different forms. Take French pastries for instance, adding local ingredients in the classics is one way. For example, Japanese chefs may use yuzu to replace lemon when making their tarte au citron. Employing foreign skills to revisit or transform one’s traditions is another. Pâtisserie TOMO in Paris that combines Dorayaki and classic French pastries serves one of the best examples. In Taiwan, Kajitsu is another interesting case.

“Âng-ku-kóe”, “red tortoise cake”, used to be the most popular local festive pastry in old times. It’s shaped as a turtle and coloured in red (sometimes in green) since turtles are a symbol of longevity, fortune, and fame in Taiwan. Red is also the lucky color here. In Kajitsu, chef Mantou tries to transform this traditional delight into a French entremets. She keeps the sweet red bean paste in the filling and matches it with sweet rice wine mousse to modernise the traditional taste. “Lu Rou Fan”, braised pork rice, one of the most beloved dishes that can be seen everywhere in Taiwan, is the chef’s another brilliant creation. Mantou takes sweet potato confit and caramel sauce to create a “trompe l’œil” of the famed braised pork and its sauce, star anise mousse hints the indispensable spice during the braising, the rice crispy and white chocolate coating shape the bowl of rice, and the unusual combination of pork floss and cheesecake gives a little surprise beneath. A refreshing coriander leave on top takes you to the humid summer of Taiwan instantly. Lots of seemingly conflicting ingredients are grouped together, resulting in, however, an incredible harmony. It is a fascinating dessert that can only be created by a Taiwanese pastry chef as it parallels Taiwan’s history and reflects its source of energy: immigrants with diverse origins, cultures and values cohabit and learn to evolve together.

As Kajitsu’s pastries are deeply rooted in the everyday life of Taiwan, there are also other intriguing creations such as petits fours with motifs of old tiles and the sweet “Doom crackers” inspired by the role of the god ruling the Qing Shan Temple in Wanhua district.

Click on the photos and have a closer look!

🔖 Read more on this topic

What is the taste of Taiwan? What is the spirit of Taiwan? https://tinyurl.com/y7ewoon4

Asian pastries in Paris part 1: https://tinyurl.com/y36tprn8

Asian pastries in Paris part 2 - Café Lai'Tcha & Fu Castella: https://tinyurl.com/y3pcspn5

👉🏻👉🏻 Don't miss out my "Taipei pastry shops" featured story on Instagram: https://tinyurl.com/yb3a783m

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🍞美國生活用語：食物篇又來了──與麵包🥖 bread有關的諺語

還記得乳製品的英文怎麼說嗎😏 可以在文章裡面找找看喔！

1⃣ Bread is the staff of life.
2⃣ Man does not live by bread alone.
3⃣ earn one’s daily bread
4⃣ take the bread out of sb.’s mouth
5⃣ break bread

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After covering dairy products, it’s time to move on to another kind of food—bread. Bread has long been a staple of the Western diet since ancient times, so of course it has made its way into all kinds of proverbs and idioms.
聊完乳製品之後，我們來聊聊另一種食品：麵包。自古以來，麵包一直是西方飲食不可或缺的主食，所以跟麵包相關的諺語與生活用語想必也不少。

Let’s start with a proverb that has its origins in the Bible: 1⃣ Bread is the staff of life. If you’re picturing someone using a baguette as a staff to walk with, it may give you a sense of the proverb’s meaning: bread is what supports us in our lives, or provides us with sustenance. But bread here is also a symbol of all food, so the real meaning is that one must eat in order to survive. Ex: I know you’re busy, but don’t forget to eat—bread is the staff of life.
先來看一個源自《聖經》的諺語：Bread is the staff of life.（麵包是生命的拐杖。）想像一下用法國麵包當做拐杖走路的樣子，大概就能理解這句諺語的意思：麵包是支持生活的必需品，供給我們營養。不過麵包在這裡也是象徵所有食物之意，所以真正的意思是「民以食為天」。如：I know you’re busy, but don’t forget to eat—bread is the staff of life.（我知道你很忙，但別忘了吃飯啊，民以食為天。）

Another proverb with Biblical origins: 2⃣Man does not live by bread alone. Here, bread means “food and shelter.” So the proverb means that beyond their physical needs, people also need mental or spiritual sustenance. Ex: He may be wealthy, but man does not live by bread alone.
另一個諺語也是出自《聖經》：Man does not live by bread alone.（人活著不只是為了溫飽。）bread在這句話中指的是「食物與住所」。因此，這個諺語要人們超越生理需求、滋養心靈。如：He may be wealthy, but man does not live by bread alone.（他或許很富有，但是人活著不是只為了溫飽。）

Since bread is a symbol for sustenance, there are also idioms like 3⃣ “earn one’s daily bread,” which means “make a living.” Ex: The man earns his daily bread as a taxi driver. 4⃣ And “take the bread out of sb.’s mouth” means to deprive them of their means of living. Ex: Lowering wages would be taking the bread out of workers’ mouths.
因為麵包是食物的象徵，所以也有如earn one’s daily bread這樣的片語，指「維持生計」。如：The man earns his daily bread as a taxi driver.（這個男人當計程車司機維持生計。）而take the bread out of sb.’s mouth則是指「搶某人飯碗」，如：Lowering wages would be taking the bread out of workers’ mouths.（減薪對員工而言是剝奪了他們的飯碗。）

5⃣ And finally there’s “break bread.” Can you guess what it means? It means to have a meal. In the old days, a family would share a loaf of bread at each meal, and everyone would break off pieces to eat. Ex: It’s been a long time since I broke bread with Michael.
最後來看看break bread這個短語。猜猜看，這是什麼意思？答案是「吃飯」。古時候的家庭，每餐都有一條麵包分給全家人，每個人會掰一塊麵包來吃。如：It’s been a long time since I broke bread with Michael.（我已經很久沒跟麥可吃頓飯了。）

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