關於 still another用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

#你不知道的美國大小事 #hardnut
Food Idioms 💬 美國生活用語之其他食物：Nut
上班昏昏欲睡嗎？來嗑點健康的堅果吧～

1⃣ sb. is a nut
2⃣ work for peanuts
3⃣ from soup to nuts
4⃣ in a nutshell
5⃣ sb./sth. is a hard nut

--

Other than fruit, what else makes a healthy snack? Nuts! While there may not be as many nut-related idioms (unless you include those related to a certain part of the male anatomy, but we won’t go there), there are still enough to tide you over till the next meal.
除了水果，還有什麼健康的零嘴？堅果！雖然與堅果相關的美國用語不是很多（除非你想討論十八禁的用語，但我們可是清新健康的英語學習頻道），不過已經足以讓你撐到晩餐時間囉！

Let’s start with the word nut itself. Aside from being a tasty snack, 1⃣ a nut can be a strange or crazy person: Just ignore that guy—he’s a nut. A nut can also be an enthusiast: Tom is a tennis nut—he plays every day. Or add an “s” and you have an adjective meaning “crazy”: You’d have to be nuts to go skydiving!
我們先來談談nut這個字。它除了很好吃，nut還可以指「瘋子或怪人」，如： Just ignore that guy—he’s a nut.（不要理那個人──他是個瘋子）。nut也可以指「對某事相當狂熱者」，如：Tom is a tennis nut.（湯姆是個網球愛好者。）也就是說他天天打網球。在nut後面加個s就變成形容詞用法，指「瘋狂的」，如：You’d have to be nuts to go skydiving!（你一定是瘋了才去跳傘！）

Technically, peanuts aren’t nuts (they’re actually legumes), which may be why they’re so cheap. So cheap, in fact, 2⃣ that “peanuts” can mean “a very small amount of money”: Students often have to work for peanuts.
嚴格來說，花生雖然有nut幾個字，但並非堅果類（其實是莢豆的一種）。所以其實花生很便宜，因為太便宜了，所以peanuts可以指「非常便宜，花不了幾毛錢」，如：Students often have to work for peanuts.（學生常為了幾斗米折腰。）

At one time, a formal dinner started with soup and ended with port and nuts, so 3⃣ “from soup to nuts” came to mean “leaving nothing out, from beginning to end”: That store sells everything from soup to nuts.
以前的正餐是以湯品開始，以波特酒與堅果為結尾，所以from soup to nuts後來有「任何東西都有；從頭到尾」的意思。如：That store sells everything from soup to nuts.（那間商店的商品包羅萬象。）

If you’re a tree, what’s inside a nutshell—a nut—is both small and important. For this reason, 4⃣ “in a nutshell” has come to mean “in sum, in brief”: It’s a long story, but in a nutshell, I got fired. Another thing about nutshells is that they’re hard, which makes a nut tough to crack. 5⃣ If a person, problem or situation is “a tough/hard nut to crack,” it means they’re difficult to deal with or understand: I’ve known Bob for a year, but he’s a tough nut to crack.
如果你是一棵樹，堅果外殼裡面會有什麼──既小但又很重要的堅果。因此in a nutshell延伸為「簡單來說，一言以蔽之」。如：It’s a long story, but in a nutshell, I got fired.（說來話長。不過一句話，我被炒魷魚了。）另外，堅果殼太硬，常要花很大力氣才撬得開，所以我們如果說某人事物是a tough/hard nut to crack，就是說他們「很難搞，或很難捉摸」。如：I’ve known Bob for a year, but he’s a tough nut to crack.（我認識鮑伯一年了，不過他真的很謎。）

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🔔 按下「搶先看」，每週五【美國大小事】，由 Judd 編審分享最即時美國新鮮事！想知道更多美國文化，請看 👉 http://bit.ly/EZTalk嚴選

埔里有好天氣、好水與美女😏😏
過往興盛的紙業，即使沒落，如今卻用不同方式呈現在大家面前👍🏻

#timefortaiwan

台灣是亞洲之心，台灣之心在哪裡呢？
Taiwan is the Heart of Asia. Where is the Heart of Taiwan?

埔里！
Puli!

2016-2017 Episode 22 Sun Moon Lake Route(2) 埔里走透透(南投)
Transcript 影片文字稿：

歡迎來到台灣，我是林柏妤，我熱愛旅行，也喜歡在台灣趴趴走
Welcome to TAIWAN, I am Poyu Lin ,I love to travel,love wandering around Taiwan

現在，我要搭乘台灣好行，去這個美麗的小鎮－埔里！
NOW we are taking the Taiwan Tourist Shuttles to a lovely little town called Puli!

這個地方可以用三個W來介紹，氣候、美女、以及水質，這裡的氣候宜人，女生漂亮，還有優質的天然泉水
You can use the three W’s describe; Weather, Women, and Water. It has wonderful weather, beautiful women, and crystal clear waters.

埔里盆地匯集了中央山脈純淨的水源，尤其愛蘭這個地方，其泉水更清澈甘甜，埔里酒廠用它來釀造紹興酒，沒想到一炮而紅，從此，紹興成了埔里的代名詞。
Puli is where the waters from many springs in the Central Mountains converge. Ailan, outside of Puli, has especially clear and sweet mineral water, which Puli Winery uses to brew Shao-Hsing Wine. The wine was such a hit that the beverage has become a byword for Puli.

紹興是一種琥珀色的釀造酒，其實我沒有喝過
Shao-Hsing is a amber colour rice wine,actually I never tasted it before,

很獨特的味道
It has a very uniquee.

我覺得年紀大一點的人應該會喜歡
I think people who are more elderly would like this.

紹興酒是由糯米、蓬萊米和小麥所釀造而成，不習慣喝酒的人，可以嚐嚐這裡開發的紹興酒食品，或者逛逛，全台灣第一間酒文化館，都是不錯的選擇。
Shao-Hsing Wine is made with sticky rice, Calrose rice, and wheat. Those that don’t drink can still try it as an ingredient in various foods, or visit Taiwan’s first venue dedicated to drinking culture.

除了拿來釀酒，埔里的好水還能用來做另外一種物品，沒錯，就是紙！
Besides wine Another interesting thing you can use the water to make is this! That’s right, paper!

埔里的手工造紙業，從清末時期就開始有了，當時主要的原料是竹子和稻草，製造的是一種品質粗糙的紙。
Puli’s handmade paper industry goes back to the end of the Qing Dynasty, when bamboo and straw were used to make a very coarse type of paper.

在日據時代因為發現埔里有乾淨的水，所以在當時這裡造紙業很興盛。因為特有的水質，使得紙張不會容易變黃與碎裂，對於藝術家來說，畫作有了更好的保存性
In Japanese occupation,they found Puli have pure water.So they be set here many factories to make paper.Because the clean water,it make the paper won't become yellow, hard, and broken.So the artests can put their works a long time.

1980年，是埔里手工造紙的全盛時期，但是隨著環境的變遷，現在只剩下少數業者，仍堅持著這項文化的傳承與保存。
In 1980’s was the peak of the handmade paper industry in Puli, but because of advances in technology, there’s only a few firms left to preserve and pass on this cultural legacy.

這裡有各種的DIY課程，我現在體驗的是拓印
There are all types of DIY course. I am making a Stone rubbing.

遊客在這裡，可以透過造紙、玩紙，進而重新認識紙，但為了顛覆人們對於紙的基本認知，這家紙廠還有一個更創新的點子，讓遊客感受紙的全新用法。
Here, tourists can make and play with paper, rediscovering meaning in a product that everyone gets to know at an early age. this paper factory has come up with a unique way to give visitors a whole new take on paper.

我準備要來享受我的下午茶，我的餐點快要來了
I am getting ready to enjoy my teatime, what I order, Is comeing?

請享用
Excuse me

開動囉！你看這是紙，沒錯 我準備要吃的就是紙
Here we go, paper, I am going to eatpaper,that’s right

這口味是薑耶
It has ginger flavors

脆脆的！
Crunch

是筊白筍！好特別
Wow～it’s Water bamboo shoots,so special

埔里還有一個相當有名的景點，那就是紙教堂，這座教堂原建於日本1995年阪神大地震後，為撫慰災民所興建的，設計者是日本建築師坂茂，在使用十年後經拆解、搬遷，來到了埔里。
Another popular attraction in Puli is the Paper Dome. Built in Japan after the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, the paper structure designed as a church by Japanese architect Shigeru Ban was disassembled after 10 years and moved to Puli.

紙教堂不但搭起了台灣和日本的友誼之橋，也成了埔里的地標之一，有機會的話，一定要來看看，我是林柏妤，我們下次見
The Paper Dome didn’t just built the friendship between Taiwan and Japan, it also became a landmark in Puli. You must come see,if you have chance.I am Poyu Lin, enjoy your time in Taiwan! Chow～see you next time.