[從有氧無氧話題,談解讀論文的常見錯誤結論]
延續昨天說的,網路時代的可怕,在於沒有經過實證的東西可以被大家大量轉發跟效仿,一般人也沒有思考是否來自專業醫療人士的建議,更不懂得查證(話說沒幾個人懂得查證)。
但是更可怕的是。
其實 #連專家對某些文獻的解讀也有很多的問題,但民眾更不可能把文獻調出來看內容,也沒有能力判斷真偽,只要是專家的解讀就照單全收,這真的是很令人無奈的事。
以下列出許多專家在分析文章會犯的錯誤(這也是我每週去實驗室會議大家常拿出來討論的項目):
1️⃣只會看結論(conclusion),不去一一看研究的設計跟結果,尤其是附加的supplement詳細的內容。
就像我在「有氧運動掉肌肉?飲食背景才是重點!」
https://www.facebook.com/175089479960691/posts/942088663260765/?d=n這篇提到的,或是之前我討論「168斷食」相關研究的態度。
其實很多減重研究的結論只寫「體重下降幾%」,請問有去看「組成」嗎?我從來都不會只看結論就告訴民眾「這個減肥法可以減掉體重幾趴所以是好的減肥方式」,我一定會確認組成當中「肌肉是不是流失太多」「是不是脫水的假象」,才會給予建議。
2️⃣看結論就算了,還斷章取義,一言以蔽之的毛病
例如我常提到的,「正常人」跟「衰弱或肥胖」族群的本身的胰島素抗性跟身體條件不同,很多在正常人身上的結果,不一定適用異常的身體組成。連「男」「女」性在研究中都會出現諸多不同的結果,就是因為先天基因、荷爾蒙跟後天腸道微菌的組成都不一樣(例如:男性普遍微菌基因數量比較多,肌肉較多,沒有女性荷爾蒙週期的干擾,所以在減重效果上比女生快)
例如:延長空腹時間讓生長激素上升的現象, #只出現在正常人而肥胖者沒有,所以肥胖者168會比正常人容易掉肌肉,但現實中幾乎168的都是肥胖者。
例如:有些研究發現「老年人」做有氧短時間可以提高肌肉量,但在「年輕人」身上沒有這個現象。但是想從專家這裡獲取「增肌」建議的都是年輕人,他照著做有氧可能沒有半點肌肉肥大的效果。
例如:有氧在正常飲食的人身上不會掉肌肉,但在「低熱量飲食」的人身上掉慘了,但很多刻意去做有氧的人,她的目的可能是減肥所以搭配了低熱量,結果聽你說有氧不會掉肌肉還會增肌,她就跟著做。
3️⃣研究的族群母數(sample size)太小、時間太短
也就是所謂一個研究「質」與「量」的問題。
誠如我之前寫的有氧跟無氧的文章,裡面對於有氧運動對增肌的幫助有「特定的條件跟環境」,而且我舉例的都是「227人」這樣的數字,或是追蹤長達「三年」這樣的研究。
https://www.facebook.com/175089479960691/posts/942593756543589/?d=n
但是有些專家提出來的研究,都是只有10-20幾個人(連腸道菌這種高成本研究都最少要30人才有統計意義了),而且時間只有1-3個月,這樣短的時間跟小的人數,相較於夠長的觀察時間跟夠多的人數,統計上的結果其實較不客觀,現在的期刊太多,研究也是一堆,但如果 #每個質量差的研究結果都納入考量, #那只會被偏誤拉著走。
4️⃣研究中的各項偏誤(bias in research)
我以前在「實證醫學的陷阱—-研究結果的停看聽」
https://www.facebook.com/175089479960691/posts/384507029018934/?d=n
評論過「喝酒比運動還長壽」的研究,存在著各種偏誤,除了我文中討論的選擇性偏差(Selection bias)外,還有幾種包括:
✔️ #確認偏誤(Confirmation bias)
當人們 #本來就持有某種觀點時, #對這種觀點的感知和注意度會被放大,會 「選擇性」地回憶或收集關於它的事例。人們對於自己原本就相信的觀點會更容易接受,而把 #反面觀點擱置在一旁。
舉例來說,是附圖的研究是2015年的《Cell Metabolism》跟 2018年的 《Cell》,兩個研究者做出了完全相反的結論。
2015年的作者發現不健康的飲食會破壞腸道菌、讓腸道免疫相關的Th17細胞數量下降,導致腸道失去正常防禦能力,連帶造成系統性的肥胖跟發炎。
但2018年的作者發現吃「高脂肪生酮飲食」會讓雙歧桿菌的數量下降,讓Th17數量下降(以上都跟2015年的觀察一致),但他的結論卻是「這樣可以讓發炎下降,是好事」,整篇論文他引用了大量Th17下降有助於哪些疾病改善的文獻,卻在reference中完全沒有引用2015年這篇(太詭異!!根本刻意忽略),也沒有提到Th17對於腸道的保護重要性,可想而知,研究者一開始就認定「高脂肪生酮對身體有益」,選擇忽略好菌下降這些矛盾的發現。
即使是這麼大的期刊,也存在著這樣的確認偏誤,甚至是所謂的✔️ #觀察者期望效應(Observer-Expectancy Effect)——研究者有時可能會期望出現某種結果,他們無意識地操縱了試驗過程,或者 #錯誤地解釋實驗結果,導致 #研究結果嚴重歪曲。
這也就是為何,對於研究的結論照單全收直接告訴民眾, #是非常危險的事,你可能自己也犯了確認偏誤,或是 ✔️ #虛假一致性偏差(False consensus effect)——人們很容易認為其他人跟自己有相同的想法,從而高估這些觀點的普遍適用性。
以上,在知識越來越普及的時代,用功的人人都可能變成專家,但是身為受過 #實證醫學訓練 的專業人員,麻煩在解讀論文跟傳遞訊息時,要在更謹慎小心一點。
#實證醫學的陷阱
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅一郎人生,也在其Youtube影片中提到,我是一郎, 號稱「無法抗拒的十大心理學」之一,你被說中了嗎? PS:號稱十大裡面,已經分享過一個了唷「責任分散效應」 PS的PS:不知道誰號稱的,標準的標題黨😂 如果喜歡我的影片,可以跟我留言討論,非常喜歡,可以分享我的影片,超級無敵喜歡,可以訂閱我的影片喔。 :) 每個禮拜三、禮拜六 晚上六點...
「false consensus effect」的推薦目錄:
- 關於false consensus effect 在 王姿允醫師。我的無齡秘笈。 Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於false consensus effect 在 奶奶心理學 ‖ Psychology Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於false consensus effect 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於false consensus effect 在 一郎人生 Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於false consensus effect 在 The False Consensus Effect - YouTube 的評價
- 關於false consensus effect 在 心靈閱讀- False-consensus effect【101政大,社心 - Facebook 的評價
false consensus effect 在 奶奶心理學 ‖ Psychology Facebook 的最佳貼文
我是這樣想的你一定也是
-
認為自己很懂的錯誤共識效應
▶︎你想的一定就是這樣,不用說了
生活中,我們偶爾會期待有人和自己價值觀類似,互相理解彼此的共同前進,然而,還有一種類似,是單方面的以為別人和自己想得一模一樣。
「我這麽了解你,你想的一定就是這樣!」
「我當時的煩惱是這樣處理,所以你該照我這樣做。」
因為自己一直是這樣認為,所以也相信每個人的想法都是這樣,甚至還可能會更進一步地認為,如果經驗類似,對方的想法、思維也會和自己類似。
▶︎啊~ 你我之間只是發生了錯誤共識效應
錯誤共識效應 (False Consensus Effect) 源自 1970 年代的學者 Lee Ross 及其同事,是一種認知偏差。身處該效應的人,會認為自己的想法才是正常的,當遇到別人的想法與自己不同,就會直接認為是對方的問題。
根據 2013 年研究指出,該效應原因來自以下三點:
(1) 朋友和家庭與自己的價值觀過度類似
(2) 相信別人與自己想法一樣,能提升自我認同
(3) 因為自己認同這些,自然會尋找類似的人呼應自己
▶︎在過去,就有不少人會「以為」
曾經有研究學者邀請兩個人,給他們閱讀一個發生激烈衝突的情境,於是他們開始產生了對於事件的「認為」,接著,研究學者提供他們兩個解決衝突的方式,兩人各選了一個。
最後發現,他們都「認為」自己的選項與大眾的想法會一致,對選了其他選項的人,都展現較為極端的情緒。
V.O. (ಠ ∩ಠ) 你怎麼可以這樣想!
▶︎如今,錯誤共識效應仍無所不在
是因為太幸運地處在同溫層,才無法接受新的想法嗎?
還是因為只要自己的想法不被認同,就覺得對方連自己整個人也一起否定的感受,讓人不適?
生活中的「認為」無所不在,當這些「認為」在內心深深扎根,就會成為我們核心價值觀的一部份,尤其在每天吸收那麼大量資訊的時代裡,更可能很快的相信一件事情,不小心認為大家都該這樣認為,或是認為這樣才是對的,不這樣想的人都有問題。
▶︎錯誤共識效應的應對方式
許多時候,即使我們已經知道網路時代的假消息充斥,會多尋找幾個資料,去驗證一個方法的對錯,即使如此,不斷驗證下的資料也可能只是「大量的假資料」,就如當年哥白尼提出「日心說」以前大家只相信「地心說」的社會,就連研究,也可能沒多久就被推翻。
或許我們可以放下「對與錯」的二元論,抱持開放的心胸 (Open-Minded) 感知生活的一切,去懷疑什麼才是真正的事實,去思考為什麼別人會有這樣認為,去詢問每個理所當然的事物。(像蘇格拉底一樣問個不停)
因為「錯誤共識效應」,是不小心過度圍繞固有觀點,而不願意踏入千變萬化世界的「以為」。
▶︎錯誤共識效應的沙盤推演
假設今天有你和一個要好的朋友在書局逛街,討論著同一本書,在那本書中明明只有「立場不同」,而對方卻認為其中一方就是壞蛋,生氣你為什麼不分善惡,對你極度失望。
然後又說:
「我以為你是個有道德的人,這種人你還同理他?」
當對方認為自己的想法能和你一樣,進而覺得共鳴,結果卻不是,而你想讓對方理解自己的話,會怎麼做?
———————————————————————
我是奶奶!
喜歡的話幫我按喜歡,然後分享出去。
簡單用心理學,找到潛意識埋藏的真相!
參考來源:Verywellmind 《How False Consensus Effect Influences the Way We Think About Others》、書籍《蘇格拉底的哲學特快車》、維基百科
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#心理學 #錯誤共識效應 #認知偏差 #認為 #情緒 #煩惱 #朋友 #家人 #falseconsensuseffect #Emotion #Psychology #openmind #selfgrowth
false consensus effect 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
false consensus effect 在 一郎人生 Youtube 的最佳解答
我是一郎, 號稱「無法抗拒的十大心理學」之一,你被說中了嗎?
PS:號稱十大裡面,已經分享過一個了唷「責任分散效應」
PS的PS:不知道誰號稱的,標準的標題黨😂
如果喜歡我的影片,可以跟我留言討論,非常喜歡,可以分享我的影片,超級無敵喜歡,可以訂閱我的影片喔。 :)
每個禮拜三、禮拜六 晚上六點發片。
IG很多給掰照片:http://www.instagram.com/ic_ichiro/
專頁很多很多東西:http://www.facebook.com/ichirolife/
#虛假一致性偏差
#自以為是
#自大
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