#cobra #yoga101 #englishbelow⬇️ #眼鏡蛇式 #體式介紹⠀
眼鏡蛇式是瑜伽中常見的體式,我記得剛開始練瑜珈時,我不懂這姿勢是在幹嘛呢😆 我想很多人剛開始也有這樣的困境,所以今天讓我好好地分享眼睛蛇式的基礎🧘🏽♀️☝🏽⠀
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🐍眼鏡蛇算是後彎,常當上犬式的替代式(主要差異在膝蓋大腿是否離開地面)⠀
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👍🏽 蛇式可幫助你:⠀
💛 加強整個背部,手臂和臀部⠀
💛 舒展胸部,肩膀,肺部,腹部並按摩內臟⠀
💛 緩解壓力和疲勞⠀
💛 打開心和喉嚨的脈輪⠀
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🌚 後面可接上的相反姿勢:下犬式,嬰兒式⋯⠀
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📝 記住的幾個點:⠀
💫 將手肘微微地向內收,不向兩側開掉⠀
💫 腳和大腿出力下壓,尾骨往地面啟動臀部⠀
💫 吸氣 胸向前向上,肩膀往後,想著耳朵和脖子有空間⠀
💫 留在這或手掌推地板並開始伸直肘部,保持深呼吸⠀
🌸 結束動作時 吐氣將身體降下趴會地板或接下一個動作⠀
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⭐️這樣的文章對你來說有幫助嗎? 請在下面留言讓我知道😊👇🏽⠀
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~~~與我一起練瑜珈 @nuli.app ~~
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Cobra is such a common yoga pose, but when I just started, I didn’t know what I was supposed to be feeling or doing. ⠀
Now that I know a better, let me share with you 😉🙏🏽⠀
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Cobra is a reclining back-bending pose that is often practiced as an alternative to upward facing dog (knees off the ground) in sun salutations ☀️ ⠀
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Benefits:⠀
💛Strengthens arms, back & buttocks⠀
💛Increases flexibility in the spine⠀
💛Stretches chest, shoulders, lungs, abdomen & massages internal organs.⠀
💛Relieves stress & fatigue.⠀
💛Opens heart & throat chakras.⠀
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🌚 Counter poses: Downward facing dog, child’s pose... ⠀
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Things to remember in this pose:⠀
💫Slightly squeeze your elbows towards your body rather than letting them go out to the sides.⠀
💫Press firmly down through the tops of your feet and your thighs. Draw your tailbone toward the ground.⠀
💫On an inhale, reach your chest forward and up. Draw your shoulders away from your ears.⠀
💫Stay here or press into your palms and begin to straighten your elbows. Keep your legs engaged as you lift your chest forward and up.⠀
💫Stay in the pose for up to 30 seconds.⠀
💫To release, lower your body as you exhale and rest on the floor.⠀
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Give it a try 🙌🏽☺️ ⠀
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⭐️ Was this helpful? Let me know in the comment section 👇🏽🙏🏽
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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back bending benefits 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
back bending benefits 在 Jenn’s 沬厤 Life After Cancer #spreadlovecreatehope Facebook 的最佳解答
🙏🏻😷Sorry to friends whom I can’t reply all your text and messages. I’m still struggling a lil bit with the twitch n pain on my stomach. 😔 Felt like gastric though 😖
🤔To those who asked what GERD is..
Gastroesophageal reflux disease (GERD) occurs when stomach acid frequently flows back into the tube connecting your mouth and stomach (esophagus). This backwash (acid reflux) can irritate the lining of your esophagus.
🤒How common is GERD?
Many people experience acid reflux from time to time. GERD is mild acid reflux that occurs at least twice a week, or moderate to severe acid reflux that occurs at least once a week.
⚠️What cause GERD?
Eating large meals or lying down right after a meal
Being overweight or obese
Eating a heavy meal and lying on your back or bending over at the waist
Snacking close to bedtime
Eating certain foods, such as citrus, tomato, chocolate, mint, garlic, onions, or spicy or fatty foods
Drinking certain beverages, such as alcohol, carbonated drinks, coffee, or tea
Smoking
Being pregnant
Taking aspirin, ibuprofen, certain muscle relaxers, or blood pressure medications
🦠What are the symptoms?
A burning sensation in your chest (heartburn), usually after eating, which might be worse at night
Chest pain
Difficulty swallowing
Regurgitation of food or sour liquid
Sensation of a lump in your throat
If you have nighttime acid reflux, you might also experience:
Chronic cough
Laryngitis
New or worsening asthma
Disrupted sleep
☝🏻🥺 BUT..
my recent condition DO NOT have most of the symptoms above. I do not have..
❌ anxiety or panic attack
❌ difficult in swallowing
❌ burning sensation or chest pain
❌ asthma
❌ sudden loss of weight
These are what I’m experiencing now..
✅ lost of appetite
✅ abdominal pain (twitching)
✅ felt like gastric
✅ nausea
✅ diarrhea
✅ insomnia
✅ constipation
✅ lots of gas (burping)
💁🏻♀️After further evaluation and assessment on my body condition, I am quite convinced that these are the side effects I get from my recent INTERMITTENCE FASTING.. 🙃
We've heard so much about the benefits of IF but beware, it is not so perfect as what we thought. The benefits I have gotten during my session were..
✅ loss of weights
✅ loss of food cravings
✅ minimal dependency on food
✅ no hunger within 16-20 hours
✅ energy level and mental sharpness are the same, if not better
But what I didn't expect were...
🆘 irregular bloating and constipation despite fruits/ greens intake
🆘 stomach discomfort that feels like gastric (eventhough I don't feel hungry at all)
🆘 completely unaware of feeling hungry
🆘 my feet do feel colder than usual
🥶So now I'm stuck at this indigestion/ guts/ stomach/ gastric/ GERD problem..
To those who wished to start IF, can I advise you something 🤣
❤️ Check with your doctor or someone who are more experienced in this but be aware of your 16:8 fasting. Set an alarm. ⚠️ Don't repeat my mistake, I didn't realize I should be eating and that subconsciously allow my fasting to continue to sometimes 20 hours, while I continue working in front of my laptop, so that's a big mistake to begin with. Down with digestion problem is a big disappointment to me.. bcs I don't get to enjoy food as much as I used to! Not until I finish my medication 😔 Speedy recovery to myself! 💪🏼
P/S: I’m taking more regular meals in smaller portion to boost back my appetite 🥰
#intermittencefasting #IF #16:8 #gerd #gastric #indigestion #fasting #awareness
back bending benefits 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最佳解答
back bending benefits 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最讚貼文
back bending benefits 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳解答
back bending benefits 在 There exist a variety of side bending poses, including standing ... 的推薦與評價
Some of the general benefits of side bends include…” ... Fitness Body, Sciatica Exercises, Back Exercises, Stretching Exercises, Stretches, Health Facts ... ... <看更多>
back bending benefits 在 5 Benefits of Back Bends | By One Yoga - Facebook 的推薦與評價
5 Benefits of Back Bends ... body and mind! ... give backbends a try! Struggling with backbends? Join our course “Journey to Wheel” for a beginner- ... ... <看更多>